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Th Basel Committee on Banking Supervision set strict financial guidelines for capital and liquidity that banks have to hold, but failed to implement early compliance. Banks get 8 years to comply for most of the banks, and 13 years for some of the banks. Increasing capital requirements by triple the current levels in the form of current equity, as required by the new Basel rules, gives banks a larger buffer in a situation that some of their assets lose value in a crisis such as the one in 2008. The US argued for stronger requirements and early implementation. Germany held back the implementation timetable mainly because its regional banks are saddled with bad loans; which might require $100 billon capital infusion by the German government, if early compliance was set in the new rules. The result is that the Basel rules have not grasped the opportunity to act quickly to strengthen the banking system, according to Prof. Jeremy Stein of Harvard University, a former advisor to the U.S. Treasury Department. In Stein's view the timetable is so far out, that another crisis will probably take place before the implementation. In the event, regulators from the U.S., Germany, and other countries let fears of tightened lending by banks prevail to an extent where the new rules timetable is stretched way out for 8-13 years....

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The Partido Popular party wins the most votes but loses its parliamentary majority in most of the country's provinces. Ada Colau in Barcelona, and a retired judge Manuela Carmena in Madrid supported by a left wing party, Podemos, are likely to become the new mayors. Spain's ruling Partido Popular party faces national elections in November 2015.

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The loan-to-deposit ratios on average for European banks of over 110% are much higher than the average in the U.S. of about 78%, according to analysts. The loan-to-deposit ratios for Spanish and Italian banks are much higher, with 160% for Bankia. If Spain leaves the eurozone and places a moratorium on loan payments the Greek loans on the books of France's banks in Greece would be in default, especially Credit Agricole. The French banks would suffer an estimated loss of 20 billion euros, and German banks 4.5 billion euros. German banks have been more aggressive in reducing their loan protfolios at risk than French banks during 2010-2012, hence their smaller exposure.

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Anxiety in financial markets about exposure of French banks to Greece pulled down French bank stocks on August 10, 2011. Societe Generale shares were down 15%. A British tabloid the Daily Mail published an article on Societe Generale saying that it was in a perilous condition, and on the "brink of disaster." The Daily Mail later retracted its report. The rumors spread quickly in a jittery market, reminiscent of the rumors that affected Morgan Stanley at the height of the U.S. financial crisis in 2008. Sanford Bernstein analysts say in a report that the selloff in French banking stocks was based more on anxiety and the rising price of insurance of thinly traded credit default swaps, and not based on rational concerns about earnings and raising capital. Societe Generale says it has no exposure to Greek bonds maturing after 2020 on its books- to deflect fears of additional bank bondholder haircuts beyond 2020- and has taken a 395 million euro provision against losses on Greek sovereign bonds maturing upto 2020. The jittery condition of markets was also affected by rumors that France was about to be downgraded. Moody's, Fitch, and S&P reaffirmed that French credit ratings of triple A and stable outlook would not change....

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Australia's minimum wage is set for 2015 at $16.87 Australian dollars per hour, or $13.55 U.S. dollars for people over the age of 20. This is 30% higher than the minimum wage of $10 in California, and almost double the federal minimum wage in the U.S. For years since the late 1990's it has been increased as Australia benefitted from a commodities boom. With the lower employment in the mining and other sectors in 2015, and a fading of the commodities boom, experts say the minimum wage needs to be restrained to reflect the changes in the economy. Unemployment at 4% in 2008, is now 6.1%. Unemployment for people 15-24 not attending school increased to 14.1% in Nov. 2014, declining to 13.1% in Dec. Workers under 21 are paid much less significantly lower on a sliding scale, an idea that could be borrowed in the U.S. as the minimum wage is raised higher to provide adequate income for workers with families to support. Experts point to high unemployment in the 1990's even when there was a low minimum wage. As a matter of fairness the wage setting body in Australia takes into account the median wage. It was 54% of the median wage in 2013, compared to 37% for the U.S., according to the OECD....

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An account by Journal reporters based on over 25 interviews with eurozone policymakers shows how the central players in the eurozone drama acted to defend their national interests during the period April to July 2011. On one side France's president Sarkozy, Frenchman Claude Trichet at the European Central Bank, arguing in favor of the banks not to take bondholder losses or haircuts on loans made to Greece. On the other side the Bundesbanks Axel Weber, and Jens Weidman, Jurgen Stark and German Finance Minister Schauble. The Germans argued strongly for bondholder losses to take responsibility for bad loan decisions by French and German banks. French banks had committed more loans to Greece than German banks and had more at stake. German public opinion was strongly against German taxpayers paying for the losses, making German politicians insistent that European banks take losses on their bad loan decisions, or Germany would not support additional loans to Greece. Throughout April to July the two sides were locked in an impasse. The French feared losses for their banks and a Lehman Brothers bankruptcy style situation. The Germans at the Bundesbank and the Finance Ministry were equally insistent. A July 2011 summit meeting did not settle the issue. The events not covered here from the July to the December summit of eurozone leaders resulted in bondholders taking 50% haircut on loans to Greece, reducing the debt burden in Greece after austerity measures led to popular protests. The French pushed hard for the ECB or the EFSF to be allowed to make large purchases of bonds of troubled eurozone countries in an effort to protect Spain and Italy from contagion through higher bond yields. The Netherlands and Finland supported Germany's position. German bankers Weber, Weidman at the Bundesbank and Finance Minister Schauble opposed large scale buying by the ECB of Italy's and Spain's bonds and Chancellor Merkel said about a common eurobond that "this is not going to happen." Governments changed in Greece, Italy, and Spain by Dec. 2011, which committed to austerity programs and spending cuts. Italian Mario Draghi was appointed with German support as new head of the ECB. In late December 2011 Draghi launched the Long Term Financing Operation for lending unlimited amounts at 1% for three year loans to European banks and relaxing the terms to accept government bonds and other debt as collateral for loans. The effect of this was to provide a large infusion of liquidity into the banking system in Europe and drastically bring down the yields on bonds issued by Italy and Spain....

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The IMF's changing views on the value of fiscal austerity. In the current debate about the value of fiscal austerity, there is the IMF view, a German view based on its own experience, and the views of other countries in Europe. The IMF's view has shifted over time. The IMF World Economic Outlook 2010, describes its view of the effects of austerity measures in the form of spending cuts and tax increases- "Fiscal consolidation typically has a contractionary effect on output. A fiscal consolidation equal to 1% of GDP typically reduces GDP by about 0.5% within 2 years and raises the unemployment rate by about 0.3% percentage points." Over the longer term there are benefits as the private sector is not crowded out in the search for captal funding by the excessive government borrowing. The IMF's economic models suggest that it would take 5 years before reaching the breakeven point when the benefits of austerity measures exceed the effects of austerity. The German view held by German central bankers is that the actions stimulate growth in the short term. Manfred Neumann, professor emeritus at the Institute for Economic Policy at the University of Bonn, says this is called the "German hypothesis" as it reflects the experience of Germany from austerity actions taken by Germany. Laurence Ball, professor of Economics at John Hopkins University, is critical of the "German hypothesis" and its application across Europe in different situations. Germany is a large exporting nation and exports helped counterbalance the effects of austerity measures. Within the eurozone with fixed exchange rates the exports of less competitive countries cannot be boosted through devaluing the currency to gain price competitiveness. The other problem is that with interest rates close to zero in the euro zone the central banks cannot cut rates aggressively to counteract the effects of spending cuts. The problem gets compounded when a number of countries are taking austerity measures at the same time accentuating the downturn....

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John Taylor looks one step ahead of the March 2012 Greece bailout and sets up the most plausible scenario for the future. He says the risks of contagion were always exaggerated from the beginning- a planned default or restructuring of debt such as happened in Argentina in 2001, does not have the contagion risks associated with a chaotic and unplanned default as in Russia in 1998. Predicability in policy makes a huge difference, says Taylor. The European banks which stood to lose from writedowns exaggerated the fears of contagion- a process that always occurs for people who are adversely affected by writedowns- resulting in top officials in the European Union delaying the unavoidable serious restructuring. It was not until Chancellor Merkel handed Charles Dallara, who negotiated for the European banks, a note stating a demand for 50% bondholder writedown, on October 27, 2011, at EU headquarters in Brussels, did any serious writedown of debt begin. Merkel told Dallara: "this is my last offer." The July 2011 summit by contrast had only a 10% bondholder writedown in the agreement, when insolvency not illiquidity was the real issue. Walker Forelle and Meichtry, give a detailed account of what happened in the Wall Street Journal, Dec. 30, 2011. The important thing for Greece, says Taylor, is for what the IMF calls "growth enhancing structural reforms" - greater reliance on private markets, incentives, rule of law. He says this bailout won't work because IMF growth forecasts do not reflect the rapid shrinking of the Greek economy. Antonis Samaras, leader of the major opposition party, is in favor of pro-growth measures and has stated his desire to change the agreement. The 130 billion euro bailout provides 90 billion euros for recapitalizing Greece's banks, and financing the budget. This puts Greece in a situation where the political leaders win voter support by discarding the conditions from the Northern EU nations and come with a plan that is better suited for Greece. The EU in this scenario would cut off further bailout funds to Greece. Taylor sees this as the better outcome for Greece than the current situation, which leaves Greece no hope for growth, and also for the EU by getting out of bailouts that have little prospect of working. It would be difficult but doable for Greece says Taylor, because interest payments would be low and Greek banks would be recapitalized after the current March 2012 bailout. ...

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The British House of Commons voted on December 7, 2016, to commit the UK to trigger Article 50 for leaving the European Union by end of March 2017. The vote was 461 for and 89 against.

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Under a deal made between Partido Popular of prime minister Mariano Rajoy and the Ciudadanos party in Spain, the ruling party agreed to back measures to tackle corruption and ensure an independent judiciary. Public officials being investigated for corruption will be suspended from office. Selection will be done by members of the judiciary for 12 of the 20 board members previously elected by parliament that appoints judges and prosecutors. Wage subsidies are introduced for low income families and cuts in public spending for health and education are restored under the agreement,  which includes a program of 150 measures. The combined vote of the two parties get it to 169- 137 for the Partido Popular and 32 for Ciudadanos- and with the aid of a Canary Islands party to 170. The Ciudadanos party will not participate in the Partido Popular government but will vote in its favor. This is still short of the 176 votes needed in the 350 seat parliament. Rajoy could have a second term only if the Socialist party allows some members to abstain. As this is uncertain Spain faces the prospect of an election in December 2016. ...

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Krugman says austerity measures alone won't work as the economies in the eurozone shrink in 2012.

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The British parliament votes 321 to 278 on a motion that rules out leaving the UK specifically on March 29 without a deal negotiated with the European Union on future relations. The margin of votes was 43. Thirteen government ministers abstained from the vote. The repeated votes in parliament are a tactic used by the prime minister Theresa May to get her party members to back the deal she has negotiated with the European Union. The ruling Conservative party is split on whether to leave the European union and if so what the relations should be between Ireland and Northern Ireland, whether Britain should remain in the customs union of the EU.   The repeated votes have only exacerbated and made worse than before the divisions in the Conservative Party, leading to a view that only a second referendum can break the deadlock. The indifference shown in France and Germany by business and the public to Britain's membership, and the manner of handling of the immigration crisis by Chancellor Merkel with large numbers of African and Arab immigrants entering Germany, have contributed to the dissension in Europe over Britain's right to control the flow of immigrants across its borders. The deeper Merkel positioned the ruling CDU party to welcome migrants in 2016-2017, the more skeptical the British public became on the free flow of people in the EU leading to the large bill boards on open immigration in Europe during the referendum on EU membership and the small margin in favor of leaving the EU. Austerity policies of Cameron and Osborne over two terms only increased the divisions of British society. The lack of good leaders in the Conservative Party has worsened the crisis. Theresa May comes from a London constituency which voted against leaving the EU, yet has taken up the leadership of the different Leave factions in the Conservative Party as she sought the position of prime minister after Mr. Cameron. Prime Minister Cameron promised the referendum on EU membership in a ploy to win votes in a closely contested general election and called the referendum not anticipating the result, and resigned as  prime minister. By being against Britain leaving the European Union, yet willing to use the issue for opportunistic vote getting in a close election Cameron and other politicians in the Conservative Party split the country in what some have called an act of recklessness. The votes in parliament and possible fesh elections, a second referendum, are a way to find a solution to this mess.   ...

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Paul de Grauwe, a economist at the London School of Economics points to two problems with the June 28, 2012 EU deal that allows the EU rescue fund to buy Spanish and Italian bonds and provide capital aid directly to Spanish banks. One is the limited funds of the rescue fund, European Financial Stability Facility or by its other name European Stability Mechanism. The EFSF or ESM lacks credibility because it lacks resources, it has only 248 billion euros, and has to first raise money in the bond markets. A better approach would be for the ECB to buy Spanish and Italian bonds aggressively, allowing a smaller spread between these bonds and the German bonds, says Grauewe. Germany is the largest shareholder at the ECB and opposes this move as a form of mutualizing of debt in the EU. Grauwe's recent paper shows that the depressed bond conditions for Spain and Italy are driven largely by a psychology of fear and not hard true economic numbers. Christopher Marks, global head of debt capital markets at BNP Paribas, says it is important to create the confidence to get longer term core investors such as pension funds, sovereign wealth funds and insurance companies back into this market for Spanish and Italian bonds by reducing volatility and yield. These longer term investors have left the market creating a severe problem. The shorter term investors, who came into this market in the last 1-2 years, are now the loudest voice saying Spain and Italy are likely to fail. These shorter term investors are either selling these bonds short or getting credit default swaps. A big problem coming out of the June 28, 2012 agreement, is that it is short on details. The details of how the rescue fund will operate, its funding, and the conditions for making making direct loans for stakes in banks or buying government bonds are still to be clarified. Germany's Constitutional Court also will rule on how this would be conducted and the Merkel government would continue tough negotiations on the details creating added uncertainty. ...

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Italy's debt sustainability analysis shows how critical it is to improve prospects for growth and competitiveness and avoiding any lowering of growth from current forecasts. Equally critical is lowering of borrowing rates. And vital to setting the right tone for this is the future of the Monti government and nature and committment of the new government after spring 2013 elections.