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Robert J. Samuelson - The dysfunction of American politics
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Samuelson points out that the golden age of bipartisan harmony never existed. Yet it is true to say that with the constant chatter on cable television and stridently expressed views, the activism of the more extreme wings of both American parties, and the role of money in politics, the partisan nature of politics in America has increased. And this is happening even when the Gallup polls from 1992 and 2010 show similiar numbers for the people who describe themselves as Conservative, Liberal or Moderate, showing that the people themselves haven't changed (42-43% Conservative, 35-36% Moderate, 17-20% Liberal), but activism at the edges of both parties has. In this condition, only 7% of americans have a "very positive view" of the Republican party, only 11% of Americans have a "very positive view" of the Democratic party and only 12% of Americans have a "very positive view" of the Tea party (even though the Tea party is at the height of its mometum). The net impact says Samuelson is that the nation's important problems get neglected. There is little discussion about the expenditure of blood and treasure in Afghanistan, says Tom Brokaw, see his article. There is little discussion of the need to rebuild America's deteriorating infrastructure. Or a serious discussion on deficits or energy. All this is lost in the dysfunctional politics of the moment. This is a significant observation.
Calls for organizing U.S. public opinion for problem solving outside of the polarized and interest-group captive debate of both parties
10/25/2010
Expert opinion on the failure of Republicans and Democrats to do serious problem-solving because of the tendency to see and do everything for political and electoral advantage. Both parties beholden to interest groups reduce their ability for serious action for problem solving. Partisan positions in both parties and lack of moderate positions or policies.
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CBS/New York Times poll in August 2011 and polls in 2013 showing public dissatisfaction with Congress
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The Reid-Boehner negotiations, the bipatisan effort of Susan Collins scuttled by Reid, Clinton-Obama conversations on strategy, distrust betwen Boehner and Reid, meeting between Ryan, Cantor, Boehner and president Obama, and the last minute McConnell-Reid deal raising the debt ceiling till February. Ryan and Cantor tell the president he is likely to lose his moment and make any second term agenda difficult by not discussing Republican terms.
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The bipartisan budget deal negotiated by Rep. Paul Ryan (Republican) and Senator Pat Murray (Democrat) in December 2013
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This budget deal closes a chapter of gridlock in Washington D.C. and a brief shutdown of the government. Speaker Boehner was able to get it passed in the House of Representatives with only 94 votes against mostly from Tea Party supporters. Ryan described is as "good government even if it is divided government." Boehner was critical of the work of Tea party Congressmen who put the Republican Party in a place where it did not want to be. Ryan draws support from all parts of the poltical spectrum in the Republican Party making this deal workable and passable.
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The phone call leading to the McConnell-Biden U.S. fiscal cliff deal of Jan. 1, 2013
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A phone call from Senator Biden begins the negotiations stalled first between Boehner and Obama, and then stalled between McConnell and Reid. Reid advised Obama to hold out for a better deal. Biden went on the Senate floor to ask if there was someone on the other side willing to dance. At that point Biden consulted Obama and the two decided it was worth a shot. Cantor and 151 Republicans opposed the deal with no spending cuts and McConnell trading higher estate taxes for extending unemployment benefits and postponing cuts. Boehner supported it and the deal passed the House.
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