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Landon Thomas looks at the European Financial Stability Facility, the organization that was formed in May 2010 to be the mechanism for raising and channeling funds to troubled eurozone economies Ireland, Greece and Portugal. He describes its evolution, its new responsibilities under the July 2011 eurozone agreement, and the difficulties it might face. The credibility of the EFSF is critical to the solution being worked out by eurozone leaders. The EFSF is based in Luxembourg and is headed by Klaus Regling, a German economist and a top official in the European Commisson's financial division. The EFSF raises funds in the financial markets. With Germany as the largest backer the EFSF is able to raise funds at low interest rates such as 3.3% for 10 years at one recent offering. The fund has a triple-A rating. In June and July the stability fund raised 8 billion euros in two auctions. It plans to come to the market four times during the rest of 2011 for funds to support Ireland and Portugal. The EFSF will need new powers and structure to meet its new role as the principal mechanism for solving the crisis. It is now given the role of the buyer of last resort for the bonds of troubled eurozone economies. This means national parliaments in the eurozone will have to approve these new powers and resources. One concern in financial markets is how the EFSF would deal with the needs of Italy or Spain if one of the two economies runs into trouble. Italy and Spain consitute 30% of the EFSF's backing, if they were to run into problems, would the burden fall disproportionately on France and Germany? And because France may have public finance problems of its own with declining competitiveness, does this mean Germany would be the real backer in that situation....

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This editorial in the Economist magazine says the banks have paid large fines for wrongdoing but individual accountability has not been achieved. Only one individual conviction has been achieved related to market rigging in Britain. The penalties paid by banks between 2009 to 2014 worldwide add up to $245 billion, according to CCP, a research group. The problem says the editorial is that without individual accountability this is likely to be seen just as a cost of doing business. For the culture at banks to change individual acountability has to be established, and only now are banking regulators realizing that the public's disillusionment with the political parties in power during the last decade in Europe and the U.S. has its roots also in the way accountability has been tackled. Editorials in the WSJ and the NYT have addressed the same theme and expressed the same concern. The May 21, 2014 editorial on the U.S. Justice Department's legal settlement with Credit Suisse. "Holder convicts Switzerland," was critical of the Justice Department because this settlement did not bring accountability or justice. Columnists Eavis and Reilly in the WSJ, Protess and Greenberg in the NYT, were also critical of the settlement. Other legal settlements followed the same pattern throughout 2012-2015. Another aspect of this and a larger problem is that the same management has remained in place in some places. Shareholders expressed their feelings at the recent Deutsche Bank meeting in June 2015 when one shareholder association asked the question: "Mr. Jain are you the solution to the problem or part of it?" questioning how the same management that created the problems was going to fix the problems. A week later the two co-CEO's departure was announced and a new CEO appointed. BaFin, Germany's regulatory authority was described as not providing effective oversight on management at Deutsche Bank, by Eyk Henning in the WSJ March 28, 2014. It is too early to say if the public's frustration with the slow pace of establishing accountability and generating culture change is at long last registering with regulators and the political parties running the government. Prime minister Cameron and chancellor George Osborne's decision to put $1 billion into communities throughout Britain from the fines, described in the WSJ May 31, 2015, and an additional $227 million pounds from a legal settlement with Deutsche Bank in April 2015 for creating 50,000 apprenticeships, is the first sign of a conviction developing in political parties that instincts of fairness and the compact between the people and their government handed down over many, many years and generations, need to be respected. In the U.S. communities devastated by the recession and foreclosure crisis, especially inner cities, could benefit from Cameron and Osborne's exceptional idea. For the political parties and the political elites in Europe and the U.S. it is a way to restore some of the trust lost in the last decade. For banks a change of management, cultural change, will benefit the employees and shareholders, and improve relationships with customers, restoring trust over the next decade....

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Brett Arends cites several factors for his skepticism about the 4th quarter 2010 US stock market rally. Cyclically adjusted price to earnings ratios that are 75% above their average value. A market value for US equities excluding financial stocks, that is within 15% of the October 2007 peak. Fed data that shows nonfinancial corporations have debt of $7.4 trillion at the end of the third quarter 2010, an increase of $250 billion in one year, and up from $5.5 trillion in 2005. This Fed data shows the debt for nonfinancial US corporations is 58% of their net worth, up from 41% five years ago. US consumers are still have the kind of debt burdens they had in 2008, with US households having reduced their debt by only about 3.5%. Arends says the leveraging is through the roof when you add up the debt that government and corporations have run up. Total debt has risen to $36 trillion, up 15% from the fall of 2007. He cites other experts who were right for the last decade who are skeptical this time- Rosenberg at Gluskin Sheff, Albert Edwards at S.G. Securities, John Hussman at Hussman Funds. The latest analysis by Jeremy Grantham at GMO is that large cap US stocks are not likely to beat inflation by much over the next 7 years. Arends has not mentioned global risk indicators such as the asset price bubbles developing in emerging markets, and the sovereign debt restructuring needed in debt burdened countries of the European Union. Analysis by the Economist in year-end 2010 points to the diverging directions of austerity in Europe, spending in the US and asset price bubbles in emerging markets, as a disturbing sign for 2011-2012. Risks in the US that Arends has not mentioned include problems in housing. Nouriel Roubini sees problems in housing in 2011. ...

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Reeves says Reagan ever the imaginative politician seized on the idea of "supply side " economics of a not so well known economist Arthur Laffer. Ideas that were simple and appealing- you reduce marginal tax rates and generate higher revenues. This worked for some time with higher economic growth for a number of years, but the arithmetic of higher spending and borrowing and lower taxes would eventually lead to large deficits at the end of Reagan's term, just as price controls worked for awhile and then led to a surge in prices at the end of Nixon's term. When Reagan became President the deficit was 2.5%, when he left office eight years later the deficit was 5% of the economy. Interest payments on debt jumped to $169 billion in 1988, from $69 billion in 1981. Reeves says American politicians know so little about economics, to which it could be added, winning presidential and congressional elections is always a big part of the picture when it comes to economic policy. Which is why Nixon even with Milton Friedman as an advisor shifted to Keynesian policies of higher fiscal spending in 1971, and why Reagan turns to intuitively appealing and effective in the short term policies of having it all- higher spending, growth, and lower taxes. During the years of the two Bush presidencies and the Clinton administration the success of Reagan policies leads to a general sense as Vice President Cheney put it referring to Reagan and Treasury Secretary Baker's belief, that "deficits don't matter." Which leads us to the current situation where 2012 presidential election politics again frame the terms of the debate on deficits and budgets, only now the deficit is much higher and on a unsustainable path. ...

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Capital Economics, a consultancy, estimates that housing prices will fall by 15% in 2008 in Britain and by 12% in 2009. The mortgage market figures according to the Nationwide Building Society show that only 42,000 loans had been approved to buy homes in May under half th number from 2007 May and below even the trough reached in the early 1990's. An economist at Morgan Stanley estimates that with 15% fall in prices 1.2 million households will be under water or have negative equity in their homes, and with a 20% decline in housing prices this number could reach 2 million , as bad as it was in the worst days of early 1990's. A member of the Bank of England's monetary policy committee thinks the decline in housing starts would be on a much bigger scale than in the early 1990's. The loss of housing investment will lead to a loss of about one percentage point in GDP economic growth in 2008 and in 2009 according to Goldman Sachs. Thre would be a loss of 30-40% of the demand for equipment to setup new homes leading to a loss of 0.2-0.3% of GDP growth. Economic growth will be affected as declining consumer wealth leads to lower consumer spending. A one percetage point loss in consumer spending is expected and this will lower economic growth by half a percentage point of GDP over the next year according to the National Institute of Economic and Social Research. All this comes on top of inflation, rising prices of food and energy, loss of purchasing power. And the central bank cannot lower interest rates if it keeps its eye on inflation as the ECB has done....

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David Luhnow and Jose de Cordoba interview Luis Videgaray, close economic advisor for Mexico's leading presidential candidate, Enrique Pena Nieto. Elections will be held in July, 2012. Videgaray answers question about the policy agenda if Nieto is elected, covering changes in the oil industry, education, social security, the fight against organized crime.

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Hubbard at Columbia, Scott at Harvard, and Zingales at University of Chicago, go over the options. Bad bank option has the drawback that you have assets that are written down and you put them in a bad bank, but what about all those assets that deteriorate as the economy deteriorates, would'nt they have to be be put in the bad bank too? Banks hold $6 trillion of mortgages and mortgage securities, with mortgage securities of $1.3 trillion. Option two, guaranteeing bad assets has been tried for Citigroup, where taking asset pool of $306 billion which was created, Citigroup absorbed the first $29 billion losses, Treasury and FDIC jointly fund next $15 billion, and Fed holds 90% of remaining losses. The government getting $7 billion in preferred stock with 8% yield. This Citigroup option according to a conservative estimate would cost the government $60 billion after stock warrants received. This would cost for all the banks something like the $700 billion of the TARP, and if bad assets deteriorate further as is likely, could end up costing the government trillions. So this isnt a great option. Hubbard, Scott, and Zogales, say that the option of encouraging banks to spin off toxic assets into separate affiliated bad banks would be a reasonable one. But the government should't guarantee the assets of that bad bank if it poses systemic risk. And banks with negative capital or close to negative capital should be taken over by the government, nationalized, through already established FDIC procedures, such as bridge loans. ...

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The new faces in the Biden administration on economic policy are Janet Yellen, as head of the central bank, the Federal Reserve, and Cecilia Rouse, a Princeton labor economist, as head of the Council of Economic Advisors. In this report WSJ looks at the economic policies of the new administration after Mr. Trump rejected globalization and international trade agreements that were not in America's interest or that hurt American workers.  Informal conversations with experts suggest WSJ says, that globalization is now suspect as a way that benefitted China and other countries including Germany, and hurt the U.S. France, Britain and other countries in Europe that were not strong exporters. This hurt their industries which were eroded by imports resulting in the three decades long destruction of communities across these countries that depended on manufacturing. It has also hurt countries like India that let their markets be dominated by Chinese imports, with a reversal of policy in 2020 with self reliant economy under "Atman Nirbhar" policy as the new goal. Mr. Trump's tactic in this trade war was to fight back to regain America's position in manufacturing with tariffs on imports. The trade deficit had to come down with China just as it had done with Japan decades earlier. This was starting to happen. One problem in bringing down the imports was the increase in the value of the dollar, as Janet Yellen has noted. The new policies will look at what the effective policy will be while keeping this goal in mind.  Both Yellen and Ms. Rouse have spent years studying labor markets and Ms. Rouse is quoted here as saying: " With open trade there are winners and losers. The losers are really losing, and we need to take care of them and take on more nuanced models of international trade as a result." Other experts from the earlier Democratic administrations such as Prof. Frankel at Harvard say that there needs to be increased focus on American workers left behind by trade, technology and unequal education, with more spending on preschool, infrastructure and health. All this suggests that there will be a continuation of U.S. policy in challenging Chinese use of globalization to advance its interests, chastening Americans on the use of the very word globalization which can mean different things to different people based on how they can gain advantage. The word may even be entirely dropped in favor of what the policies are and what they do for the American worker, American communities including small towns, and the American people, spelling each of these out every time supply chains and the global economy is mentioned. The new administration will get an opportunity to show that it too can come up with new ideas and action plan to strengthen American manufacturing and jobs. It will also have to show substantial results as people have lost patience with Democrats and Republicans on the lack of progress in rebuilding America's leadership role in the world economy, and in defending American workers and factories. Clinton, Obama and Bush all offered false promises on trade with China ignoring the damage this had done to American leadership in the world economy. Clinton with support for China's entry into the World Trade Organization, Bush with foreign wars and costly diversions and regulatory failures with banks that led to the 2009 deep recession hurting Americans, and Obama with the lack of will and interest in America's leadership role in the world as the dominant nation in manufacturing,   ...

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The politicians in Japan are seen as aself-selecting elite, not just the LDP which has been the party in power for mostly all the post war years, but also the Democratic Party of Japan. Mr Ozawa the DPJ leader was from the LDP, and the new leader Hatoyama's grandfather was an LDP founding father. The LDP prime minister is Mr Aso whose grandfather was Shigeru Yoshida, a prime minister after the war. Mr Hatoyama and another DPJ leader are defectors from the LDP, and both have large family fortunes, as do many LDP leaders. Mr Hatoyama has abrother in the current cabinet. And LDP olitical families treat seats in the paliament the Diet, as inheritable sinecures. Actually half of the current cabinet of Mr Aso are offspring of former politicians. So the Economist is pessimistic about the prospects of real change and fresh ideas for Japan from this crowd of politicians. It sees the need for new ideas. The economy has seen asharp decline in exports. Companies like Toyota are seeing a drop in sales. Government debt is twice the annual output, larger than Italy's. Export led growth which was the basis of recovery since 2002 has crumbled. The demographics estimates show that Japan's working age population will fall fastest as its overall population drops significantly in coming decades. This makes the schemes of the LDP like sending back immigrants of Japanese descent to Brazil with no chance of return as a particularly nutty in the light of the demographics. Leaving change to Mr Hatoyama and Ozawa of the DPJ now makes the prospects of new ideas just as elusive as before. And the public is just as disillusioned, considering the very low ratings of Mr Aso and other politicians....

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Ruth Marcus looks at the assumptions behind Romney's tax plan and questions whether simplifying the tax system with lower rates would help create the climate for higher economic growth and lower unemployment. Much of the differences between Republicans and Democrats revolve around this assumption, a core belief on one side and skepticism on the other. An effort to obtain a bipartisan assessment was made with the Simpson-Bowles commission recommendations, which advised closing loopholes and reducing deductions. The work done by Martin Feldstein on the Romney Tax plan builds on this approach of limiting deductions, and reducing taxes across the board. An issue for Democrats is inequality. Lower wages to improve competitiveness in manufacturing industry is a trend in Republican and Democratic administrations, because of the effort to improve U.S. competitiveness against other trading nations and has played a large part in lowering incomes in manufacturing oriented midwest and eastern states. The other cause of increasing inequality is the housing crisis and the effects on the economy through foreclosures and unemployment. The housing crisis developed under a Republican administration, and the lack of effective measures to prevent foreclosures under the last 4 years of a Democratic administration worsened the economic condition of the middle class, and especially so for minorities. During the housing and foreclosure crisis the proposals put forward by Republicans Martin Feldstein, a Harvard economist, and Sheila Bair, head of the FDIC who calls herself a "populist from Kansas," for bold government help to homeowners under water would have helped the middle class financially, and especially minorities, far more than the efforts of the Democratic Obama administration, and under Feldstein's plan even turned aound the housing market and boosted a recovery. Trends in world trade and industry have large effects outside what administrations of either party can control, and a lot depends on the temperament, wisdom and leadership provided....

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The U.S. Federal Reserve Open Market Commitee takes a position of pause and wait as it decides in March 2012 not to take any new further bond buying stimulus measures. There is uncertainty in equity markets about the effect this will have on equity prices. During the last two pauses in 2010 and 2011 the equity markets experienced downturns after withdrawal of bond buying measures by the Fed, leading to Fed action with QE 1 and QE 2 followed by a surge in equity prices and the S&P at over 1400. At the peak during the 2001 and 2008 dot-com and housing propelled booms the S&P reached over 1500. At this rate the curve for U.S. equity prices for the 2008-2012 period resembles a repeat of a narrow steep V shaped curve with only a 7% climb in April 2012 needed to reach the 1500 point in the S&P 500 average at which the previous two booms in prices ended up in a bust. John Taylor, Stanford economist, in a separate op-ed in the Wall Street Journal on March 29, 2012, called for a change in the mandate of the U.S. Federal Reserve for a more rule based policy because of the dangers of repeated boom and bust periods in the U.S. economy as a result of ultra loose monetary policies. The problem at this point in April 2012 is that profits of companies are not expected by analysts to come in strongly in the second quarter, with a slightly improving unemployment picture, expected upward pressures on oil prices from the Iranian situation, eurozone debt problems in Spain and Italy, and slowing growth in China, India and Brazil. These fundamentals do not support an S&P at the levels seen during the height of the last two booms of 2000-2001 and 2007-2008....

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Both sides harden positions before the June 30th deadline for 1.5 billion euro repayment of debt to the IMF. Greece's prime minister Tsipras accuses the IMF of "criminal responsibility" for the pain of austerity programs in Greece. Eurozone leaders says Greece's default on its debt and exit from the eurozone is a possibility. The Economist points out that a Greek default and Greece's exit from the eurozone would be a mistake. It points out that this means repudiating debts of 317 billion euros, or about 180% of GDP. Yet the repayment is at low interest rates spread out over decades. Until the early 2020's interest rates are about 3% of GDP a year. In theory a devaluation would help exports, but Greece with its small trading position, may not see much benefit. The drop in nominal wages by 16% has not led to a surge in exports. The cost in terms of broken banks, sharp decline in savings, and collapse of confidence could be disastrous. The very people Syriza is trying to protect the poor and elderly, would be hit hardest, as the collapse in the currency would lead to a shift to a barter economy as in Argentina during its default crisis. For the European Union, the problem would not go away, as it would have to deal with a bigger problem of a failed state on the Aegean on the EU's southern flank. Syriza's gamble that this can be used to extract concessions by holding off till the last minute is failing, because it is leading Greece back to contraction after the small growth in 2014 under prime minister Samaras- with capital flight from the banks and investors leaving in a general fall in confidence. The management of the economy and negotiations by Syriza is now seen as incompetent and has jeopardized any difficult progress made....

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Prof. Gorton and Prof. Metrick of the Yale School of Management review 16 scholarly studies and papers on the causes of the 2008-2009 global financial crisis in the current isue of the Journal of Economic Literature. Another article in the same journal reviews 21 books on the subject. Samuelson says the most cited causes- lax regulation and passive regulators, and the policy of home ownership that encourage the packaging and of securitization of mortgages to government sponsored agencies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac- are only the surface causes. If we are to explain how a whole society seemed to believe in the idea that somehow there was a way to maintain a rising tide continuously, with only small corrections over several decades, by the clever manipulation of monetary and fiscal policies; then one has to look to the hubris of economists who acted as if this was possible and the gullibility of business and a public that desperately wanted to believe as some have put it "that this time it was different," or that shrewd management of economic policy could actually bring about such a panacea. The abiding lesson is economic policies based on a better understanding of how modern industrial economies work are merely useful tools, no more no less, and there is no substitute for a good ethic, wise management and careful thinking on the part of the public, business and government, particularly for the people in leadership positions. ...

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This article in The Economist magazine looks at the internal debate in Germany after the July crisis in Greece following a "no" referendum and the position taken by Germany on turning down any ideas on debt renegotiation to reduce the debt burden. Centre right parties say this is simply enforcing the rules. The left parties say this is moving Germany to post post-nationalist. German chancellor Kohl and post war Germany took the position that Germany was a "post-national society." Thomas Mann, a well known German writer, said Germany needed to come out " not for a German Europe, but for a European Germany." And Hans Dietrich Genscher, a foreign minister stated that Germany's only interest was that of the EU. This was a recognition of the situation of the idea presented since reunification in 1871 that the new country was too large for a balance of power in Europe, yet too small to impose its will on Europe. This was shown in the July negotiations when chancellor Merkel accepted the position put forward by Valls and Hollande of France that a Greek exit from the eurozone was not an option. Germany did not seek to impose its will, say centre right parties. In fact chancellor Merkel sees Britain as a serious partner and cannot understand why some in her party can see no problem with a British exit from the EU. In fact many people in Germany will be relieved when this phase of the crisis is over, when the diminishing of moral hazard makes it possible to consider debt reduction for Greece and the austerity programs have introduced discipline to national budgets, so that the next phase of tighter and closer union for the European Union can take place- restoring Germany's aspirations for a "post-nationalist society." ...

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As India's growth rate improves, one weak area is agriculture which is growing at about 3% a year, and contributes only 13.7% to GDP. Of huge significance is that about 600 million people depend on agriculture. Lagging development in this area leaves the nation backward as a whole. Farming practices are still backward and have not changed significantly. Agricultural markets, infrastructure, is still backward and needs improvement. Decline in the size of plots since 1970 from about 6 acres to about 3 acres today, and low productivity on farms is a problem. Farmers fear being pushed off the land and politicians look to the rural vote to preserve the status quo. Poor monsoon rains can increase problems for farmers as three fifths of farmland is still without irrigation. Agricultural markets are fragmented, so that apples from Himachal Pradesh in the north are not easily shipped to Karnataka in the south, and coconuts in the south not easily shipped to the north. State marketing boards in India called Agricultural Produce Marketing Committees (APMC's) control trade in fruit and vegetables. There are about 3000 fragmented agricultural markets in India, and markets can be fragmented within states. Laws from the 1950's to prevent hoarding are still on the books reducing incentives to invest in cold storage and warehouses, a significant problem in India leading to much waste and rotting of agricultural products. This hurts farmers because it leads to cuts in price. The distribution chain also hurts farmers with middlemen and commissioning agents taking as much as 6% in commission compared to the international level of about 0.5%. This review of the state of agriculture by the Economist says that 25 years after the first reforms opening up India's economy in 1990, agriculture as one area which touches the life of about half the population has not seen much change....

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Experts say about 110,000 votes separate Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump in the three states of Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania that decided the 2016 presidential election in the U.S. giving Trump the win. Post election reflection in the Democratic party points to a disconnect between the establishment in both parties and the white working class. It is described as something that was not thought enough about even though as pointed out in Lyrarc, and in The Washington Post by columnists, and in news coverage about the inequality movement long before Bernie Sanders appeared in 2015. In the period when banks were favored over millions of homeowners facing foreclosure in 2010-2014, the surging stock market and the zero to to half percent interest on savings that hurt savings of most of the working class and lower middle class without stock investments, and the continuing problems in communities facing job losses from trade for the third decade. The hollowing out of the regions in Ontario from job losses from the Canadian industry helped Justin Trudeau win the Canadian election. In this election it helped Trump in crucial midwestern states, combined with a degree of indifference shown by establishment Democrats. Former Vermont governor Howard Dean is planning to run for chairman of the Democratic National Committee. Bernie Sanders says he backs Minnesota Rep. Keith Ellison to be the next chair of the DNC. Jeff Weaver, campaign manager for Sanders, says the problem lies in what has been clear for some time now "that the centrist wing of the democratic party has no standing with working class and middle class  voters in this country." In 2016 only 51% of union households supported Clinton the lowest since 1980, 43% supported Trump. Obama won 59% of union households in 2008 and 58% in 2012 to 40% for Republican Romney. Trump picked up 3% of union households, Clinton lost 7% of union households, creating about a 10 point gap that would be magnified in industrial states where union jobs are concentrated, for about 18% of the people who voted in the election, enough to create the shortfall in Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsyslvania. Fed chairman Janet Yellen pointed out the problems at an Inequality conference in Boston in 2014, pretty stark in its reminder that inequality had surged to levels not seen since the depression of the thirties, with 62 million households having a net worth of $11,000. Krugman and other economists had pointed this out on the pages of the NYT. Yet the post election reflection in the media is as if this is some special insight when it was clear for all to see, and covered in depth in Lyrarc for years since 2008. There is voter fatigue after 8 years of one party in power as pointed out by Obama campaign strategist, David Axelrod. The loss of union enthusiasm made the task of  a third term for the Democratic party even more difficult.     ...

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Goldstein at the Energy Policy Research Foundation sees a moderation in demand for oil holding the increase to less than 1 million barrels a day. Goldstein sees improvements in crude oil supply, spare refining capacity,and product inventories which should help moderate prices. A lot depends on how the slowdown in the US affects Russia, India, China and Brazil. China's export based economy is likely to be affected and India and Russia to a lesser extent. Already the stock markets worldwide have come down in synchronized fashion in January 2007 leading to action by the Federal Reserve in the USA. There is likely to be a slowing down worldwide with Europe and India and Russia doing better than the USA. The USA may already be in recession. On the supply side the investments in Saudi Arabia and other places in OPEC and production increase in Russia should lead to supply increase of 2.5 million barrels a day according to analysts. At these supply and demand levels prices could range from $65 to $80, with a consensus of $80 under present conditions. There is a possibility of it going down to the $60 range if global economic conditions get worse and consequently demand decreases more. A price in the $60 range will still be needed to increase the incentives of exploration and production of new oil sources and to pay the higher costs of exploration and drilling for oil, especially in remote difficult locations like Russian Siberia and in deep sea offshore locations....

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First companies in Japan began to invest more, and upgrading capital equipment, then hiring was given a boost and unemployment has dropped to 4% and will continue to drop further.More permanent workers are being hired, bonuses and retirement payments by companies are rising also. As unemployment drops further by a point to 3% wage pressures should accelerate and lead to improvement in what have been upto now stagnent wages. This should lead to higher wages and should create the conditions for a consumption boom in Japan says the Economist.

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Half of the 109 economists and housing analysts polled in October 2010 by MacroMarkets LLC, expect home prices to bottom in 2011, and half don't expect home prices to bottom till 2012. Backing this up is growing inventory in many markets. The Wall Street Journal's latest quarterly survey of housing market conditions in 28 major metropolitan areas showed inventories of unsold homes were up in 19 markets at the end of 3rd quarter 2010, compared to the prior year. The largest increases were in California- in Los Angeles, Sacramento and San Diego. Only parts of Texas, and Washington D.C, and some other areas which have shown decent job growth are an exception. In the Realtor's Report, median home price fell 2.4% to $171,700 in September 2010 from a year earlier. This data does not include the suspension of foreclosures due to title defects, which will further dampen prospects of a recovery in housing. This will affect New Jersey, Florida and other "judicial" states, where the banks must complete foreclosures through court. At the current sales pace it would take 10.7 months to sell the 4.04 million home inventory of unsold homes, according to the recent NAR report. Six to eight months is considered normal. This does not reflect the "shadow" inventory of homes in some stage of foreclosure, which is estimated at around 4 million, creating a problem that even current low rates for a fixed rate mortgage of 4.21% cannot solve....