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Merkel expresses her support for Portugal during a meeting with prime minister Pedro Passos Coelho of Portugal in Lisbon on Nov. 11, 2012. In a news conference which was live on German television Merkel said: " I feel a great sense of determination here in Portugal to overcome this difficult phase." Recognizing the cost of austerity measures and spending cuts, the 16% unemployment rate, Merkel added: " I know that its very hard for some people. Unemployment is high, especially among young people. Consequently, Germany in particular wants to support Portugal through professional training for young people." The German chancellor is travelling with a German business delegation which is meeting with Portuguese executives to determine areas for German cooperation with Portugal to generate growth in the economy.

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Portugal's parliament gave preliminary approval to a new budget bill with 4.3 billion euros in tax increases on income, captal gains, property and car ownership, and 1 billion euros in spending cuts compared to the 2012 budget. Banco Espirito Santo was able to sell 750 million euros in 3 year bonds with an interest rate of 5.875%. Over 200 investors from France, UK, Germany made buying offers of more than 2.7 billion euros. The rate is lower than expected and reflects ECB policy support for bond markets of countries requesting aid.

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The stark divergence between 2011 and 2013 forecasts for Portugal's economy show the need for better terms on Portugal's EU loans. The 2011 forecasts of EU lenders estimated a much lower level of contraction in the economy and unemployment. In 2011 the lenders estimate was for a economic contraction of a combined 4% in 2011 and 2012 and returning to growth in 2013, with unemployment peaking at 13%. The forecasts in 2013 estimate the economic contraction at 7% for 2011-2013, with unemployment reaching 17.3%. Portuguese government officials say they overestimated tax revenues and underestimated the payouts for social benefits to the unemployed. Prime minister Coelho is criticized for increasing taxes and making spending cuts blindly. He faces angry protestors singing the anthem of Portugal's revolution against the dictatorship in 1974- "Grandola, Vila Morena."

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Ireland and Portugal both have debt to GDP ratios of more than 100%. Still Ireland is better positioned to weather the eurozone crisis. Foreign investment attracted by low taxes and an educated labor force gives Ireland signficant advantages to return to growth. Citigroup forecasts show a 5.5% decline in GDP for Portugal in 2012, and large probabilities that the deficit will overshoot. Ireland expects 0.5% growth in 2012. Ireland's exports are 60% of GDP, compared to 24% for Portugal. Yields on Portuguese bonds due 2020 are at 13%, compared to less than 7% for Ireland. But funding Portugal through the end of 2015 is expected to cost 40 billion euros, according to Capital Economics estimates, or only 0.4% of eurozone GDP, making the problem in Portugal very manageable for the EU.

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Portugal's economy is shrinking. Austerity measures taken in exchange for 78 billion euros from the IMF and the EU under a May, 2011 agreement have reduced the prospects of growth. The ratio of debt to GDP was 107% in May 2011. It is expected to reach 118% in 2013 because the economy is shrinking- even though Portugal will have achieved its targets for reducing the budget deficit. Portugal's finance minister, Vitor Gaspar, a former ECB research director, has reduced the budget deficit by one third by cutting spending, pensions, wages and increasing taxes. GDP fell by 1.5% in 2011 and is expected to decline by 3% in 2012. Even the IMF says in its recent economic review that if growth is lacking the debt of Portugal "would not be sustainable." David Bencek, analyst at the Kiel Institute for the World Economy, says that the Portuguese economy lacks the structure needed to grow, and therefore has debt that is unsustainable. Portugal lacks a manufacturing base and exports, and was just emerging from decades of neglect by military rulers of education and other essential parts of a modern economy when it joined the EU....

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Barry Ritholtz lists the causes of the financial crisis, He says New York Mayor Bloomberg's exoneration of the financial industry is simply false- what he calls "the Big Lie"- even though Congress, regulators and the Greenspan Fed acted irresponsibly and created favorable conditions for the actions of the financial industry.

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Did U.S. Treaury Secretary, Timothy Geithner, ignore a key request by President Obama to present plans for the restructuring of Citigroup after the government bailout of Citigroup? Ron Suskind says this is what happened in his book on the Obama administration and how the White House operated to make key decisions. Ron Suskind, intervewed key members of the Obama White House economic policy team, Lawrence Summers, Christina Romer, Peter Orszag. In all Suskind conducted 700 hours of interviews for his new book in Sept 2011: "Confidence Men: Wall Street, Washington and the Education of a President." According to the book, in early 2009 after Obama authorized a series of stress tests for banks he told Geithner to develop a plan for restructuring Citigroup. A month later at a meeting not attended by Geithner Obama raised a question about the status of the plan. He was told by Romer that no restructuring plan had been developed for Citi. Suskind says Geithner disagreed about a plan to restructure Citi and decided to ignore the request. Geithner and the Treasury Department say Obama asked Geithner to develop a backup plan to overhaul banks if the government was forced to keep a big ownership stake in the companies, and "there was fortunately never a need to put them in place." Geithner told Suskind that he doesn't slow-walk the President on any matter. Other aspects of the operation of the economic policy team that Suskind covers are a series of memos from top aide Pete Rouse raising questions that ongoing communication between some members of the economic team and Summers was giving Summers power to shape policy. Summers, Director of the National Economic Council, is shown as trying to keep out the views of Romer and budget director Orszag from reaching the President without going through him. When Orszag gives a private report to the president on the deficit, Summers objects saying that this was immoral. Obama lacked the fresh ideas needed to tackle the problems created by the mortgage and banking crisis of 2008, when he used the Clinton administration economic policy team of the 1990's- Rubin, Bernanke, Summers and Geithner. Fresh approaches were needed two decades after Clinton's election in 1992, and the Bush administration that followed, as many of the problems developed during this period. The similiar embedded thinking was shared during the Clinton and Bush administrations and the economic advisors about dealings with the banking sector, but the situation for deficits, unemployment, housing, and the economy had completely changed requiring fresh approaches. ...

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Friedman compares the anti-corruption movements in India and the U.S., the world's two largest democracies. The Occupy Wall Street anti-corruption movement in the U.S. focusses on the excessive influence of banks on lawmakers, regulators, and the government, through the use of campaign money, revolving door for government officials and regulators to join banks, and intense lobbying. The anti-corruption movement focusses on corruption in government at higher levels, such as the handling of government licenses, and at the basic levels of needing to bribe officials for something as simple as getting a birth certificate or other government document. Both have pernicious effects, in the U.S. excesssive bank influence leads to taking excessive risk for higher bonuses, putting the entire financial system at risk and creating a crisis in housing that delays the economic recovery. And in India the corruption leads to retarded progress, as funds to invest in infrastructure and development are siphoned off, business and entrepreneurs are required to pay bribes at each step, and ordinary people face the need to pay bribes for the most routine interactions with government officials. In the process this creates more unequal societies by skewing the distribution of benefits from wealth created to groups that are better equipped to game the system. The economic system once distorted in these ways has tendencies to take talent away from productive activity and innovation which create wealth, and direct it towards speculative activities....