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LyrArc brings in selected articles from many of the world's top publications.

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Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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German banks hold $28 billion euros or $37 billion in Greek bonds according to Barclays Capital using IMF data. This debt is now rated as junk by Standard and Poor's since last week. Just one bank, Hypo Real Estate, now owned by the German government after a bailout has $10.5 billion of Greek bonds. This gives a new twist to what is happening in Greece, with Germany involved through the support its own banks would need if Greece defaulted and these bonds become worthless. Total debt holdings of Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain for example at Hypo Real Estate is $52 billion. France is also heavily involved through its banks. It has $67 billion in holdings, including $9 billion held by the Bank of France, according to Barclays. According to BIS data American banks hold $16.6 billion in Greek debt. Even the healthy large Spanish banks like Santander have their problems, with Santander having $64 billion of assets in Portugal, according to analysts at Nomura in London. In Spain most of the bad debt problems are concentrated in the midsize banks, but if Portugal were to take a hit then the large banks would be affected adversely....
New York Times Original article ›
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Spain's banks have government debt holdings as a percentage of bank assets of 6.8% compared to 13.1% for Italy's banks. This is based on data available from the IMF. But Italian banks are far better capitalized than Spanish banks. Bank shares of Italy and Spain hit post Lehman lows in July 2011, but Italian bank shares are likely to recover faster than Spanish bank shares. Italian banks raised 8 billion euros of capital in 2011 and most banks have an average core Tier 1 ratio of over 8%. By contrast Spain's bank sector is perceived by markets as undercapitalized and the IPO's of savings banks Bankia and Banca Civica will be affected by the unsettled markets.
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Thomas Kleine-Brockhoff, a senior transatlantic fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, leads the EuroFuture Project. Here he offers his ideas of the dilemmas facing German leaders in agreeing to letting the European Central Bank take a larger role of supporting the bonds of Italy, Portugal and Spain. He says Germans are seeing a contradiction between European demands for German leadership and not wanting to be led by Germany or perceiving Germany as a hegemon. Brockhoff says Germans have never in the postwar period wanted to or learned to exercize continental leadership. He recounts the postwar period when Germans were content with the deutsche mark, and limited their expression of national pride to the deutsche mark. Giving up the deutsche mark was part of the deal for reunification of the two Germanys, a surrender of economic sovereignty for the sake of a larger integration into Europe. He says that even though the arguments are framed in terms of orthodox economics, economic nationalists who never really wanted to give up the deutsche mark are the core of the opposition to the common issue of eurozone bonds. The German position is to go back to the framework of principles for economic and monetary union and tighten the rules for spending and taxes, something that is good in the long run, but does not work in the short run with shrinking economies from austerity programs and nervous markets. The Merkel government's resolution of this crisis is to set new fiscal rules for the eurozone, and either move in the direction of letting the ECB play a larger role, or support such a move. What is not clear is whether the government will survive the next election taking on this leadership role in Europe, or a revolt in the Christian Democratic party....
New York Times Original article ›
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The effects of the eurozone crisis on the everyday lives of ordinary Hungarians in Budapest. The impact is particularly severe on retirees and other people with home loans that were taken out in swiss francs or euros because of the depreciation of the Hungarian currency, the forint. There is a loss of confidence in politicians, and the government of prime minister Orban is seen as having worsened the crisis by losing international credibility and confidence . Hungary's debt is denominated mostly in euros which make repayment difficult. Yields on its bonds are over 10%.
New York Times Original article ›
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After the resignation of Montebourg as Economy minister, the administration of prime minister Manuel Valls in France moves to the centre and takes up pro-business policies to generate economic growth.
Economist Original article ›
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The Economist points to the declining popularity of prime minister Valls. President Hollande has the lowest popularity rating of any president of the French Republic. At 18% he surpasses the 22% low for Mitterand around 1992. Sarkozy's popularity dipped to 28% by 2011. Valls own popularity declined to 35% by October 2014 even after winning a confidence vote in the National Assembly. In this situation with negligible economic growth former president Sarkozy is trying to make a comeback as leader of the UMP centre right party.
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Automobile advertising in the European Union. The European Parliament with a measure sponsored by Chris Davies a british member proposes to require car ads in European Union countries carry tobacco-style label warning of the environmental damage they can lead to. Under this plan 20% of the space or time of an ad has to be devoted to information on a car's fuel consumption and carbon dioxide emissions. as a contributor to global climate change. The European Parliament cannot legislate but it can put pressure on the EU Commission which has lawmaking power. Europeans are taking the global warming issue and climate change as well as the environmental impact much more seriously than Asians and Americans. This has implications in how the gas guzzling vehicles are perceived by the European public. Will Europe be the trend setter in this area, for the Americans, as Americans are shying away from the bigger SUV's in showrooms? It remains to be seen.
New York Times Original article ›
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Efforts by Spain's government of prime minister Rajoy to come up with credible estimates about the actual needs for recapitalization of troubled parts of the banking system, and which banks should be closed. Report out in June by consulting firms Oliver Wyman and Roland Berger relies on information from the Bank of Spain. A detailed audit examining the books of the 14 largest banks in Spain will be completed by audit firms by the end of July 2012. Considerable criticism in banking circles in Barcelona and London about the procrastination by Spanish banking authorites in coming up with credible estimates of the actual bad loans and losses in the Spanish banking system. This would improve confidence in financial markets that the problems can be controlled and a way forward planned.
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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The Merkel government's effort to convince a skeptical German public about the need to aid Spain's banks. This includes a video on YouTube. The German parliament will vote shortly on the loans to Spain's savings banks.
The Economist Original article ›
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This leader in The Economist magazine says a hard Brexit of the sort announced by Theresa May at a Conservative Party conference is clearly bad for Britain. It also point out that half of British people voted to remain. It is not clear that voters have voted for a hard Brexit, a soft Brexit, or voter alienation with elites and effects of years of austerity since the financial crisis have helped tilt the vote to Brexit. It points out that the rhetoric may be damaging Britain's chance of negotiating a Brexit that limits damage to GDP, which the Treasury estimates to be nearly twice the loss in GDP if a member of a single market as compared to leaving it. British government leaders may be overestimating the willingness of leaders of France, Germany and other countries to make concessions. By talking up to their party base politicians such as May may be putting German and French leaders to also toughen their positions on free movement as an integral principle of the European Union, and consequently of membership in a single market. ...

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