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The different approaches of presidential candidates Hollande and Sarkozy to reviving France's economy as they contest the elections on May 6, 2012. Sarkozy proposes a value added tax and has called for broadening the mandate of the European Central Bank to stimulate growth. Hollande proposes higher taxes on the wealthy, and hiring more teachers and making no cuts in the civil service. Hollande opposes the austerity measures being pushed by Germany and adopted in eurozone countries.

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Reflecting the volatile nature of the global economy with systemic risks remaining, impact of sharp cuts in spending, and the danger of oil prices exceeding $150 with a mideast crisis, the IMF provided a wide range of possibilities around its basic forecast. The IMF says it expects the global economy to grow 3.5% in 2012, up 0.2% from a Jan. forecast, and a forecast of 4.1% for 2013. But the IMF says this depends on the eurozone crisis, which could take off 2% from global output and 3.5% from output in the eurozone if things went wrong in Europe. Higher oil prices above $165 with supply disruptions after Iranian sanctions are another danger. Its forecast for Europe is 0.3% contraction in 2012 and 0.9% growth in 2013. Because of the risks in the outlook the IMF cautions countries from cutting spending too quickly, and says the best approach is to reduce deficits gradually over the long term and not to move too fast in the short term. This word of caution applies to Spain, the UK, France and Germany. To maintain enough funding in a crisis the IMF plans to increase its lending capacity from $380 billion by an additional $280 billion, with pledges of $60 billion from Japan, $26 billion from the Nordic countries, and $200 from other eurozone countries. ...

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The recent appointment of fast food executive Andrew Puzder as Labor Secretary has caused great concern among union leaders. Puzder supports a $9 minimum wage compared to $15 supported by Democrats. Unions now represent 7% of the labor force, down from a high of 20% during Reagan's time when Reagan appointed a construction company executive as Labor Secretary and cut regulations.  Globalization has thinned the ranks of workers in unions. And the failure of Democratic administrations to stem the shift of factories overseas to China, Mexico and other places, as part of global supply chains focussed on cost, has weakened Democratic support among workers since the period of Bill Clinton. It eroded to the point where Obama won 65% of support among unions and Hillary Clinton won 56% in 2016. Interestingly the Republican Romney gained 33% versus 37% for Trump, showing voters were more inclined to move away from Democrats and only a smaller number willing to support Republicans, but the shift enough to give Republicans a win in 2016 for the presidency. The figures are from a Election Day survey of trade union AFL-CIO, and a larger proportion in midwestern states showed disaffection with policies from Clinton to Obama. In fact Obama spent years promoting another free trade agreement TPP that favored tech more than auto and older industries, just as Bill Clinton had promoted NAFTA, without giving thought to what this was doing to its worker base of support. A similar situation happened with Social Democrats in Germany as a SPD administration moved to the centre and handed Christian Democrats led by Merkel a win in parliamentary elections. As Democrats such as former Labor Secretary Reich, a professor at UC Berkeley who served under Bill Clinton, describe the problems of working class people their is less reflection on the impact of the changes from globalization and how Democrats handled or mishandled it, and more on the politics between the two parties.   ...

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A new West Coast Model is emerging with ballot measures in the states of Washington, California and Oregon. The model is to make up for decades of faulty income distribution which favored tech communities in west coast states leaving behind people from minority communities and the working class outside tech hubs such as San Francisco, San Jose and Seattle. During this period budgets for education and healthcare, social services and essential infrastructure suffered as budgets were squeezed for local governments. Minimum wage also lagged behind and communities struggled to keep up. Washington votes for a ballot measure that raises the minimum wage to $13.25 statewide and mandate paid sick leave for workers. In California a ballot measure makes permanent an income tax surcharge on millionaires to use these funds for education. In Oregon measure 97 places a gross receipts tax on corporations with annual sales in Oregon over $25 million, raising $3 billion a year for schools, health care and other programs. The California and Washington measures are likely to pass, Oregon uncertain, say experts. And even in Oregon supporters have learned from the experience to put forward new proposals on the ballot. The Washington measure is supported by Nick Hanauer, and Zach Silk, president of Civic Ventures in Seattle, who say it is essential to put more money in workers wages to increase growth and to bring better lives outside the tech hub areas. Most of the tech booms of the last two decades have not touched the areas outside tech hub metropolitan areas. The conservative approach adopted in Louisiana and Kansas of reducing taxes first and then when holes in state budgets developed to cut education, health and other service expenditures has not worked, and it has led to the backlash in the form of the new West Coast Model, which is expected to be brought up in other states in the east and midwest. The tech hub areas have grown with the boom in tech but this has largely ignored the rural areas, communities just outside of the tech cities, and led to uneven and distorted growth shortchanging the working class and the middle class, and hurting investment in education and healthcare across each state. Bill Whalen, a research fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution conservative think tank ,says that its hard to deny that the balanced growth for all communities across the state has lagged far behind as the tech booms boosted growth in the economies of California, Oregon and Washington. An article in the German online site Zeit on Silicon Valley described this vividly showing how this can happen in communities sitting side by side in the San Jose area, with minority Hispanic communities and working class communties seeing very little of the benefits of growth. ...

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This piece in the DW.com describes the error made by Andrea Leadsom in her interview with the Times, saying that she was better qualified than Theresa May for leadership of the Conservative Party and the post of prime minister because she had children. Leadsom's error was compounded by the comments made by May that she regretted being childless. The comments were in the media for days and led to negative perception of Ms. Leadsom. Leadsom called for a retraction by the Times but the Times had already recorded her comments, making the whole affair appear to be a mistake by Leadsom, even a  bit stupid. Leadsom's efforts to embellish her resume about investment banking experience had already raised questions.With Boris Johnson supporting Leadsom this has proved Johnson, Gove and other Brexit leaders as lacking credibility. Therea May is now left with the difficult task of negotiating Brexit, but at least says most of the European media and media in Germany, May is not a fanatic, and Brexit is in the hands of a responsible politician who never supported Brexit. ...

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Dana Milbank of the WP says the views of some Democrats on Trump as a good Republican nominee based on the notion that he has high negative perception with voters is fraught with dangers for U.S. democracy. Milbank points out that this ignores what is good for the country. Having Trump as the nominee of one of the two main parties would create a divisive atmosphere and is not good for the country, says Milbank. In comparing Trump with Cruz, he says Trump is likely to follow his instincts to operate outside the U.S. constitutional system. Cruz as a person believes in the U.S. constitution and would never endorse violence or action against minorities. Cruz has not done enough to come across as a likable person with his persistent focus on conservative or Reagan values to the exclusion of everything else. This is changing in mid-April 2016 following a CNN interview with the Cruz family, a MSNBC town hall answering questions from undecided voters, and NYT coverage of Cruz at a Brooklyn bakery, that shows a different human face that people have never seen about Cruz. Cruz's self-deprecating humor in a NYT article where he talks about voters not liking "a hectoring scold," is part of this needed change that could have happened earlier in the campaign. About Trump Milbank cites Conservative party prime minister Cameron who says Trump would unite all Britons against him if he ever came to Britain....

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Italy's new prime minister Mario Monti, was frank in his views about depending on austerity alone to meet the debt crisis, views also shared by President Sarkozy of France. Monti told an interviewer from the German newspaper Die Welt, before meeting German chancellor Merkel in Berlin: In the absence of specific help "a protest against Europe will develop in Italy, also against Germany, which is viewed as the ringleader of E.U. intolerance, and against the European Central Bank." He went on to say-"I cannot have success with my policies if the E.U.'s policies don't change." He pointed out that economic difficulties could drive Italy to "flee into the arms of populists."

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Global austerity measures could lead to a weaker and slower recovery in the absence of other policy actions to tackle the deficits in the medium term.

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The US economy grew at 2% in the third quarter 2010, compared to 1.7% in second quarter 2010. Unemployment remains at 9.6%, and the growth did not generate hiring. Much of the growth came from business building inventories, exports grew at 5%, imports rose 17%. Residential construction plunged, state and local government spending contracted as it did for 6 of the last 8 quarters. This increases concerns about the economy.

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To get the agreement of the 27 countries engaged in the talks to set new banking rules, the new Basel III banking rules are being phased in over a protracted period. Some changes go into effect in 2013, but others will be put into effect by 2019. The focus on the new rules is how much capital, or "common equity" banks will be required to hold as a cushion to absorb losses in a crisis like that of 2008. Large banks will be required to hold 7% of their assets in common equity. By 2015, banks will have to begin building a 2.5% buffer of capital, which must be in place fully by 2019. No action was taken on issues such as requirements for banks to have access to ample liquidity, what systemically important banks should hold in capital, and establishing a counter cyclical capital buffer.

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Th Basel Committee on Banking Supervision set strict financial guidelines for capital and liquidity that banks have to hold, but failed to implement early compliance. Banks get 8 years to comply for most of the banks, and 13 years for some of the banks. Increasing capital requirements by triple the current levels in the form of current equity, as required by the new Basel rules, gives banks a larger buffer in a situation that some of their assets lose value in a crisis such as the one in 2008. The US argued for stronger requirements and early implementation. Germany held back the implementation timetable mainly because its regional banks are saddled with bad loans; which might require $100 billon capital infusion by the German government, if early compliance was set in the new rules. The result is that the Basel rules have not grasped the opportunity to act quickly to strengthen the banking system, according to Prof. Jeremy Stein of Harvard University, a former advisor to the U.S. Treasury Department. In Stein's view the timetable is so far out, that another crisis will probably take place before the implementation. In the event, regulators from the U.S., Germany, and other countries let fears of tightened lending by banks prevail to an extent where the new rules timetable is stretched way out for 8-13 years....

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Krugman says France is getting a lot of attention, but it is Germany where attention needs to be focussed. German long term bonds are yielding 0.7%, a yield level associated with Japanese deflation. He says Greece's problem was a fiscal mess limited to a small country, and Italy has a problem of low productivity that is unique to Italy over several decades. Loss of French competitiveness is overstated, as France has only a small trade deficit, and some of that lack of competitiveness comes not from excessive growth in cost and prices but from policies pursued in Germany. He points to France's GDP deflator (the average price of French goods and services) since 1999 when the euro started, as rising 1.7% a year, and labor costs rising 1.9% annually. By comparison German price growth was 1% and labor cost growth was 0.5%. France is close to the ECB target of 2% inflation. Germany falls way short of the 2% inflation target.

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France lags behind Germany and other countries in competitiveness. France's share of European exports decreased from 15.6% in 2000 to 12.5% in the first 5 months of 2011, according to Coe-Rexecode, an economics consultancy firm. Germany has used the last decade to lower social spending and state spending, bring wage restraint, and making industry more productive. France has not experienced a similiar process. Competitiveness and growth is needed for France to improve public finances. After the rise in borrowing costs to Italy France's premium over Germany to borrow for 10 years went up to 71 basis points on July 13, it is now at 62 points. France's trade deficit is rising and was 7 billion euros in April and May, according to Societe Generale.

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Selling of sovereign bonds by European banks to meet new requirements for adequate capital reserves by the European Banking Authority is having a Catch 22 effect, as this raises the yields at auctions of sovereign bonds of Italy, Spain and other countries.