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Krugman points out the risks for the U.S. economy as the U.S. loses export competitiveness with the euro reaching parity with the dollar. The huge shift from $1.50 to the dollar at one point to parity gives Europe a sudden strong boost. Europe needs the boost to escape a deflationary trap, and there is little that can be done for capital flows and exchange rates, says Krugman. He points out that many Federal Reserve governors were clueless of the impact this could have on U.S. growth, sanguinely assuming the U.S. would boost growth in 2015. Better says Krugman for the Fed to be very careful about raising rates at a time when wage growth is sluggish, and inflation low.

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Krugman makes these comments after a visit to Athens, Greece, in 2015. He sees discouragement in Greece with the negotiations between the Syriza government in Greece and the EU. Years of austerity and high unemployment are leading to fraying tempers in Greece, and impatience from Germany and the EU. Krugman says the irony is that the Syriza government was elected at a time when a settlement is possible. Greece has a small budget surplus and this should make it possible for a settlement to be reached, without a bad outcome for Greece and the EU of Greece's exit from the eurozone. The lack of experience of the new government leaders makes the situation more difficult, but Krugman says patience is needed on all sides because there is hope in the midst of pessimism for a way out of the crisis.

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Paul Krugman in NYT outlines the options president Biden faces if Republicans decide not to increase the debt ceiling in the House of Representatives. All the alternatives are better than defaulting on the national debt. All options also create some short term volatility in financial markets before things stabilize. Biden and Democrats refuse to allow a repeat of negotiations of the kind Mr. Obama made with Republicans on the debt ceiling. The cuts a small faction in the Republican party is asking for come from spending that has already been approved by the House. It is also spending that meets the needs of the American people during a cost of living crisis, and for national priorities in fighting climate change, health and defense. Krugman also points out that cuts to welfare spending won't put more people to work as the unemployment rate is at a new low, and the theory behind it in this situation only deprives the neediest from getting help during a cost of living crisis. ...

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It is not commonly realized how much of an economic collapse Russia suffered as a result of Mr. Gorbachev's failure to plan a smooth transition out of communism- a 40% drop in  drop in GDP, a peak of 2000% increase in inflation, and drop in life expectancy from 69 years to 65. With lack of safeguards in place for vulnerable sectors such as the elderly and displaced workers, no setup for securing the rule of law, no periods of experimentation with market economy in parts of the country as China had done. Krugman says it was worse than the Great Depression in the US in the 1930's, a particularly traumatic period Americans remember, because the collapse was deeper, and the rogue elements took over parts of the economy leading to a breakdown of the rule of law. One hears too much about the fall of the Berlin Wall, great for West Germany and less about the trauma this was for elderly and vulnerable workers in  East Germany, and for Russia as a whole. Here Paul Krugman describes what happened and how this brought to power another group under Putin. For Putin and many Russians these are the memories that lead them to say it was the "greatest catastrophe" of the twentieth century. Krugman has put this in graphs showing the economic data from multiple sources, including the World Bank and US Bureau of Economic Analysis. The graphs show the Great Depression in the US was about loss of 27% of GDP, inflation was not severe and FDR ensured both rule of law and hope with his election to tackle the problems, including America's vast resources. ...

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Krugman quotes Ohio's Republican Governor, who said: "I am concerned about the fact that there seems to be a war on the poor. That if you are poor, you are shiftless and lazy." Kasich is taking his own independent position to support Medicaid expansion and aid the unemployed.

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Paul Krugman says in this column in the NYT that Biden's policies for trade reflect a stronger conviction for protecting American technologies and building its manufacturing base than previous administrations including the Trump administration. With less rhetoric and with quiet determination Biden has placed American domestic manufacturing as a requirement for renewable subsidies for new electric vehicles manufacturing and sale in the Inflation Reduction Act. In the Chips and Science Act Biden has placed US semiconductor technology promotion and manufacturing at the core of the Act. Krugman says this was the right thing for Biden to do. The renewable subsidy comes from ordinary Americans paying taxes who would benefit most from new jobs created in the electric vehicle industry. China has gained such a big lead in semiconductor chips manufacturing and materials by supporting its industry, that it is the right thing to do to give American manufacturers the same kind of support. Trade rules were about creating a level playing field, yet previous administrations failed to create that level playing field, and the Biden administration has boldly made its point clear. ...

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Krugman points out the gains on three fronts evident from the Census Bureau report of 5.2% gain in median income of households in the U.S. He says the first is the growth in incomes of ordinary working class and middle class families, second the large decline in the poverty rate, and third the further rise in insurance coverage in 2015 for people without health insurance. He points to the steady efforts of the Obama administration to improve lives of ordinary families as working based on the Census report though results have taken time, and could have been better. The Stimulus, says Krugman could have been larger following the blow of the 2009 financial crisis and increased unemployment at the time. Janet Yellen at the inequality conference of the Boston Fed in 2014 pointed out the problems of 62 million households having net worth of about $10,000, and why this was running against the American idea of a better life for all Americans. In that sense the Census report is a movement in the right direction but a lot remains to be done.   ...

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Krugman says in NYT that inflation is receding and its causes lie mainly in pandemic related supply chain issues not fiscal efforts to fix dilapidated infrastructure, invest in fighting climate change, or help for needy workers and families.  He looks at Fed chair Jerome Powell’s discussion on inflation and this he says shows that fiscal policy or government spending to fight the pandemic and US needs for infrastructure and science/chips played at most a distinctly secondary role. What Krugman does not say is that this does not mean that inflation is not an issue for many families living from paycheck to paycheck. Harris clearly spelled out a Plan for housing costs and cost of food and this is the kind of effort needed to tackle this issue secondary or not in astatistical sense. Also not given recognition is that the government spending is changing the very nature of the US economy by creating more potential for it to grow till 2030 in a way that would not be possible if this investment by president Biden was not wisely made. One has only to look at Germany to see its crumbling rail system and failing infrastructure to see that what Biden did right and Merkel did wrong. ...

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Paul Krugman says in the long run Brexit is not catastrophic for Britain with a loss of 2-4% of GDP and affecting incomes. He compares it to Canada and the U.S. before the North American trade agreement, Canada's economy still functioned decently.  The problem is more in the short run as no border infrastructure is in place and this is where a bigger hit is feared in the disruption of the flow of goods.

Krugman also cautions people in the European Union who do not see the impact on the EU even though it is relatively smaller than the larger impact on Britain.

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Paul Krugman says the movie Oppenheimer reminds him of the role played by immigrants and intellectuals in the scientific part of the war effort, in radar and atomic research. He describes the role of Isaac Rabi in the cutting edge research at MIT's Radiation Laboratory that gave the US a radar system the German submarines could not detect, leading to protection of the sea lanes and winning the Battle of the Atlantic in 1943. 

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Krugman says austerity measures alone won't work as the economies in the eurozone shrink in 2012.

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Krugman calls the fiscal compact agreement in Europe and the efforts to impose austerity measures- at a time of 24% unemployment in Spain- simply insane and a form of economic suicide. A different view was expressed by Martin Feldstein in the WSJ, April 5, 2012, Europe Needs the Bond Vigilantes, in which he pointed to areas in the Fiscal Compact agreement for Europe that do not impose strict spending limits.

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Paul Krugman points out the problems in rural America that need attention. Integrating rural America faced with problems of joblessness and a sense of being ignored are part of the effort to pull the nation together. Krugman points to economic forces that have pushed the other way. Yet it is the role of government to support farming communities and farmers in what was till the 1950's and 1960's a nation that was both rural and urban. With the rise of tech companies in the last 2 decades problems of rural communities were pushed into the background. 

The founders of the U.S. and the Continental Congress that drafted the U.S. Constitution did this had rural communities in mind in what was then in 1790's a largely rural country. Rural states have the same representation as larger more populous urban states under the U.S. Constitution making it impossible to ignore the rural areas and farmers without damaging the public interest.

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Krugman on the dangers that the sharp cuts in spending proposed by the Republicans in Congress- as a solution to the budget impasse- could abort the nascent and fragile recovery in 2011. The impact of higher food and oil prices also affects consumers in 2011-2012.

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At Lyrarc we pointed out how US president Harry Truman had to persuade the US Congress to get aid to Greece and Turkey bills passed to prevent an imminent Communist takeover with Soviet bloc aid in 1948. Paul Krugman points out that this happened before when FDR had to persuade the US Congress to pass bills for Lend Lease agreement aid to Europe in 1942. Much of that aid was in food and other non military aid because the US arms manufacturing was beginning to ramp up.  Krugman also corrects the former president's statements regarding Ukraine aid that the European have done less. Counting all assistance to Ukraine he says the EU has done more than the US. It is because the arms production in the EU has to be ramped up and the US has arms production factories better prepared in military aid the US has done more in military aid, not overall or in other aid. He also points out that $13 billion FDR got from Congress for Europe in 1942 was 10% of US GDP, whereas Ukraine aid is only one fourth of one percent of US GDP, and much of it going as Mr. Biden pointed out, going into investment in American factories and jobs to supply Ukraine. ...

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Krugman points out that without aid to state and local governments, cash strapped cities and states will be cutting back on services and employment, undoing much of the work of the stimulus. These cutbacks by local governments is showing up in the unemployment figures from the Commerce Department. And social cohesion is being strained as the outlook for those without jobs for more than 6 months looks worse with the economy slowing down.

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Paul Krugman points out that the Bush tax cuts if continued in the US for all income levels will cost $680 billion over the next decade. This estimate is from the Tax Policy Center.

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Krugman coins the term weaponized Keynesians for those who say building new warplanes is a good idea because it creates jobs, but do not say the same about job creation for building bridges, and other infrastructure.

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Krugman in the NYT reminds readers Charity Watch gave the Clinton Foundation an "A" rating, better than that given to the American Red Cross. He points out the disservice done by all the innuendo about conflicts of interest. The Associated Press report on the Clinton Foundation he finds part of this creating "shadows"  about meetings with corporate people or others with conflict of interest when all it could find was a meeting with Mohammed Yunus, a winner of Nobel Peace Prize and a longtime personal friend. This points to the need to take a good hard look at each candidate, to look carefully at the details and think about what it means for the country for the next 4 years or the next decade. Krugman fails to mention the economy and job gains and losses, yet this is a huge factor in an election year where upward mobility and the prospects for the middle and working class are major issues. For example Moody's has calculated the loss of about 3 million jobs under Trump and a gain of 10 million jobs under Clinton for the next 4 years.  ...

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The Reagan Memo released by WSJ and the June op-ed in WSJ by Glenn Hubbard, a Romney economc advisor, point to the way an economc recovery like that accomplished under Reagan could be achieved if Romney takes office. Krugman points out that contrary to thinking Reagan actually increased spending, partly through defense programs and partly achieved by federal transfers to state governments that increased spending when the deficit had not reached the levels it has today. Also important is the cause of the economic slump when Reagan took office, which was deliberately caused by Federal Reserve increasing interest rates to control surging inflation. The Federal Reserve reversed policy and lowered rates during Reagan's term in office and supported the other growth inducing policies of the Reagan administration. Improving business confidence by promoting expectations for consistent growth and stable policy was part of the game plan of the Reagan economic team led by George Shultz, as is evident from the memo. Krugman says the situation is different this time as interest rates are approaching zero and the U.S. is recovering from a housing bubble at the same time that spending by local and state governments is declining as the Stimuus spending of 2009 fades. Under Reagan in the first quarter of 1984, and for Obama in the first quarter of 2012- compared to 4 years earlier, real per capita government spending was 14.4% higher than previously for Reagan and 6.4% for Obama. ...

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Krugman says the TPP is no big deal because most of the trade in that region is free, protectionism is way down. He cites a recent report on American import restraints by the International Trade Commission putting their total cost at 0.01% of GDP.

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Krugman points to financial deregulation, cross border financial flows, private debt in dollars and depreciating currencies, and the U.S. Federal Reserve's low interest rate policies, as the main culprits for bubbles and the emerging market crises in the 1990's and 2013.

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Krugman questions the Paul Ryan U.S. budget proposal on several grounds. He says the Ryan proposal depends on projections by the Heritage Foundation for its assumption that the tax cuts would generate higher revenues by creating a booming economy. The Heritage Foundation projection is for revenue increasing by $600 billon over the next 10 years as a result of tax cuts. Krugman cites a different view from the Congressional Budget Office estimate for the Ryan proposal, which shows assumed savings from spending cuts will go not to reduce the deficit but to pay for tax cuts, with bigger deficits in the next decade. He says the spending cuts excluding Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid- but including defense- go down from 12% of GDP in 2011 to 6% of GDP in 2022- meaning that cuts in public services will need to cut to the bone. The Medicare part of Ryan's proposal does not say how spending on medical care will be reduced. The voucher or premium support Ryan envisages is estimated by the Congressional Budget Office to cover only one third of the cost of insurance premiums for Medicare equivalent care by 2030. Krugman cites the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, which says the Ryan proposal achieves two thirds of its $4 trillion in spending cuts over the next decade by cutting programs that primarily serve low-income Americans. ...

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By failing to show a grasp of the problems of rural poverty and lack of upward mobility, of health and education, in the rural parts of the US, Paul Krugman ignores the spirit that for so long kept the lights on for rural America in the time of FDR and Truman. The NYT's Thomas Edsall has done a great service to America by showing where the Democratic party under Clinton and Obama lost the spirit of FDR and Truman of standing by the common man, of "The People, Yes" that Carl Sandburg wrote so eloquently about not so long ago.

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Krugman says the Euro was basically flawed when a single currency was established without political or fiscal union. Because of this the problem can only be solved he says, by action in Brussels and Berlin. Greeks he points out work longer hours than Germans and are not lazy, the welfare state is larger in Sweden and Germany, and Greeks were able to finance imports through trade, shipping and tourism before Greece joined the eurozone. After joining the euro foreign money poured into Greece causing inflation and making Greece wages rise with labor productivity 25% below the European average, making Greece uncompetitive. A lot of the foreign money was wasted and should not have been loaned to Greece in the first place, except that foreign banks perceived the eurozone membership as an implicit guarantee.