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This editorial in the WSJ says Brexit lets British voters not a political elite decide the best way forward. Endless integration set by the EU in Brussels was never the best course for Britain given its trading and commercial history. The anemic economic growth, migration crisis in the EU, and the lack of accountability of Brussels EU bureaucracy was an issue for the British public. Ask any unemployed youth in France, stagnating entrepreneurs in Germany, or people in Eastern and Southern Europe struggling with economic policy for the euro set in Frankfurt by the ECB, says the WSJ.

The British government handling Brexit and the economy will still be held accountable for delivering good results. British people choosing to "take back control" through political independence was the right way given that continental social democracy and the "European Project" does not have the answers for Britain's future vision and growth.

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The MIT Economics Department helped shape the thinking of influential central bank governors, Mervyn King of the Bank of England, Ben Bernanke of the U.S. Federal Reserve, and Mario Draghi of the European Central Bank. Bernanke (1979) and Draghi (1977) received their Ph.D.s in economics from MIT in the late 1970's, with Prof. Stanley Fischer (1973-94) as their advisor. Charles Bean, deputy governor of the Bank of England followed them a few years later. Mervyn King was a visiting professor at MIT (1983-84). King and Bernanke shared an office as professors at MIT. The MIT school came up with a pragmatic and activist approach which argued there was a role for government when markets and the economy stumbled. This followed a period when economists from the universities at Chicago, Minnesota and Rochester were influential, making the case for efficient markets and businesses holding rational future expectations which were ahead of government planners; saying government should play a minimal role. The MIT trained central bankers have made shaping public and market expectations an important part of policy actions. Draghi's July 23, 2012 remark- "Believe me this will be enough," was an effort to shape expectations after the European Central Bank's July 2012 bond buying actions in the eurozone. Germany has a competing version based in Bonn. Germany's former Bundesbank president, Axel Weber, was the tutor at Bonn University for current Bundesbank president, Jens Weidmann. Both Weber and Weidmann supported austerity measures, inflation fighting efforts of former ECB head Claude Trichet, and opposed Draghi's monetary easing and bond buying efforts to reduce excessive yields of Italy and Spain....

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Portugal's parliament gave preliminary approval to a new budget bill with 4.3 billion euros in tax increases on income, captal gains, property and car ownership, and 1 billion euros in spending cuts compared to the 2012 budget. Banco Espirito Santo was able to sell 750 million euros in 3 year bonds with an interest rate of 5.875%. Over 200 investors from France, UK, Germany made buying offers of more than 2.7 billion euros. The rate is lower than expected and reflects ECB policy support for bond markets of countries requesting aid.

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As the ECB reduces its monthly purchases under its QE program to 60 billion euros from 80 billion euros starting in April 2017, the initial market reaction was that quantitative easing was going out. This says Barley is not the case, and markets are overreacting. The ECB is now ready to buy bonds yielding less than the deposit rate. The ECB promised to extend purchases to Dec. 2017 or further. Look deeper says Barley and ECB forecasts headline inflation at 1.7% in 2019, less than 2% target. So continued QE made sense but at a lower pace. In the end it is the flow that matters not the stock of purchases, says Barley.

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Hilsenrath points out that Japan's central bank, the Bank of Japan's holdings of securities and loans has increased by 35% in 2008-2013 compared to an increase of 2, 3 and 5 times respectively in the assets of the ECB, the U.S. Federal Reserve and the Bank of England. Experts in Japan say what was considered commonsense by Bank of Japan chief Shirakawa and others, that aggressive monetary policy doesnt work, is considered nonsense in other parts of the world. They say aggressive monetary policy was never tried and Shirakawa diluted its impact by saying he did not think it would make much of a difference. Communicating the right message to financial markets was part of the approach taken by Draghi at the ECB, Bernanke at the U.S. Fed and King at the Bank of England. Anil Kashyap of the University of Chicago agrees. He says the Bank of Japan missed its inflation target for 15 years. BOJ also bought shorter term bonds in its bond buying efforts, with maturities of three years compared to the average maturity of nine years for bonds being purchased by the U.S. Fed. This reduces the effect. The Abe administration is careful to present the approach as similiar to that in other countries, and intended to spur growth in Japan, which in turn should spur global growth. U.S. Fed chairman Bernanke has supported this effort. Prime minister Abe was on a visit to the U.S. communicating Japan's approach and winning support, something never done before....

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Wall Street Journal reporters Walker in Berlin, Forelle in Brussels, and Meichtry in Rome, reconstruct the events during critical days after the indecision and failure to reach agreement during the July summit of eurozone countries. This took the form of intervews with leading players and over 25 policy makers. What emerges are accounts of how Germany's Angela Merkel, daughter of a Lutheran pastor, and protege of Eurozone founder, former German chancellor Helmut Kohl, handled the crisis. Merkel was widely criticized in the media for indecision. What emerges is an account of a leader who took decisive action at key moments in the crisis- leading to the formation of new governments in Greece and Italy taking action to improve finances, and negotiations with banks represented by the International Finance Corporation leading to acceptance by banks of a 50% loss on loans to Greece to reduce Greece's unsustainable debt burden. Merkel also worked with the European Central Bank's departing president Frenchman Claude Trichet and new president Italian Mario Draghi to resist French president Sarkozy's efforts to have the ECB assume responsibility for the crisis through large scale buying of Italian and Spanish bonds; which was opposed by German public opinion as a backdoor way of having German taxpayers assume responsibility for European debt. Shown are three critical moments when Merkel intervened. In October 2011, after Italian prime minister Berlusconi reneged on promises to make pension and other reforms to improve Italian finances because of political resistance. He survived a parliamentary no-confidence vote by one vote. Merkel took the lead on October 20, by directly calling Italian President Georgio Napolitano on the phone, to urge him to take action for forming a new government in Italy. The result was Napolitano talking with all political parties to form a new government, leading to the formation of a government by a non-political figure respected in Italy, former EU commissioner Mario Monti. A day earlier, on October 19, French President Sarkozy met ECB president, Trichet, at an event honoring him as departing ECB president in Frankfurt's Alte Oper concert hall. Trichet, Merkel and Sarkozy met in a side room. Sarkozy asked for decisive help from the ECB for large scale buying of Italian and Spanish bonds to lower yields, which had reached 7% on Italian bonds. Trichet responded that the ECB's charter did not allow it to finance governments, with the meeting ending in a shouting match between the two leaders. On October 21, EU and IMF inspectors warned that Greece's debt was reaching unsustainable proportions and austerity measures alone would not work, unless the bondholders, the European banks, took losses of 60% on their excessive lending to Greece. At this point France agreed to the German position arguing for this level of bondholder haircuts or losses, fearing the prospect of large future bailouts that would jeopardize France's triple AAA credit rating. The July 2011 summit accord had only provided for 10% in losses for bondholders. On October 27, at a meeting that went past midnight, Merkel and Sarkozy called IIF head Charles Dallara, who headed negotiating for the banks, to EU headquarters in Brussels. Merkel handed Dallara an agreement containing the 50% bondholder loss demand, and told Dallara- "This is the last offer." Merkel was saying banks would be left with nothing if they rejected it and Greece defaulted. Dallara called bankers and the IIF accepted Merkel's agreement. The final moment that October came on October 31, when Greece's prime minister Papandreou said he would call a referendum on the bailout provisions and austerity measures demanded by the IMF, the EU and the ECB. Bond markets reacted negatively to the announcement fearing a rejection and a Greek default. The Group of 20 leaders was meeting in Cannes, France on Nov. 2, 2011. Papandreou was asked to come to Cannes for a pre-summit meeting. Here Merkel told Papandreou- "the real question" for the referendum was, "Do you want to be in the euro, or not?" Days later Papandreou, lacking support in Greece from political parties and opposition inside his party, submitted his resignation. A non-political figure respected in Greece, former ECB vice president, Lucas Papademos, was appointed prime minister to head a Unity government. Polls after the appointment showed three fourths of Greeks said that this was "a positive step for Greece," with Papandreou's party getting only 11% support and the opposition led by Samaras about 20%. The criticism leveled at Merkel is that Germany should take responsibility for debt throughout the euro area through the issuance of eurozone bonds or the ECB buying large amount of bonds of Spain and Italy. Merkel faced strong opposition inside Germany and from the Bundesbank to this idea. The other criticism was based on austerity measures worsening the finances of Greece because of a lack of growth in the economy, which is true; yet Germany may see the situation in Greece as taking a long time to be resolved in any event because of excessive and faulty financial management. For Italy and Spain putting finances in order was a necessity, and austerity measures should lead to short term sacrifice but improve prospects for the long term by returning the economies to growth. Another criticism is the installation of governments that lack popular or electoral support. As the polls in Greece showed the Unity government there has far greater support and public opinion blames the politicians for the huge mess. In Italy, Berlusconi was widely seen as losing popular support when he resigned. And in Spain Mariano Rajoy, the newly elected prime minister, was elected with a huge majority in parliament following winning in local government elections. Merkel also held her own party, the Chrisitian Democrats together at the recent Leipzig convention. Mario Draghi, was elected with German support to head the European Central Bank. He has long argued for better management of Italian finances as head of Italy's central bank. Draghi was able to support Merkel with carefully planned and managed actions. First to reduce interest rates to support economic growth in a slowing eurozone. Following this with the ECB's Long Term Financing Operation in late December 2011, to provide unlimited loans to European banks at 1% interest for three years in exchange for a broadened list of collateral deposited at the ECB. In a final twist in this drama, Charles Dallara, who was a key negotiator for the U.S. Treasury in setting up the Brady Bonds- that converted bad Latin American government debt owed to U.S. banks in the 1980's into long term debt with large reductions in principal owed and lower interest rates. This was in exchange for guaranteed repayment with 30 year U.S. zero coupon bonds. Dallara was now a negotiator for the banks to reduce the chance of the very same bondholder haircuts that he had negotiated in an earlier period to solve the Latin American debt crisis. Other players in the drama were Axel Weber, head of the Bundesbank, Germany's central bank, who resigned after strong and outspoken opposition to the ECB's large scale purchase of bonds of Greece, Italy and Spain. Jens Weidmann, his protege, who replaced him. And Jurgen Stark, German representative at the ECB, who also resigned in opposition to Germany assuming responsibility for eurozone debt. ...

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Failure by EU leaders to take early and decisive action to reduce Greece's debt to sustainable levels in 2009. This was when the IMF report by Dutchman Bob Traa blew the cover off the Greek coverup of deteriorated finances. Policy missteps included ECB president Trichet and other EU leaders pushing austerity measures and not taking needed tough action on reducing the debt. By November 2011 a 50% reduction in debt with bondholders taking the losses is not enough to correct the situation. Greece's debt is discounted by 70% by Nov 2011. Analysts estimate an 85% reduction in Greek debt being necessary for Greece to pull through without a default.

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A seven month long negotiation for the government of Greece with representatives of the EU, the IMF and the ECB is completed in March 2014. A series of structural growth oriented reforms are part of the agreement. Part of the agreement focusses on returning some of the 2.9 billion euro surplus to the Greek people hit hardest in the crisis, a top priority for the government of premier Samaras. This includes homeless with 20 million euros, paying 2.8 billion in debts to suppliers in the private sector, 1 billion euros more than budgeted. 1 billion euros will be used to reduce Greece's debt. In total 500 million euros will go to relief for ordinary Greeks, including members of the police and security forces on low salaries. Social security contributions paid by employers and workers will be reduced by 3.9 percentage points, a step taken to boost wages. The agreement will lead to release of 10 billion euros in funds from the troika of EU,IMF and ECB. European parliament and local elections are in May and this has given the Samaras government a better position to state its case for helping austerity weary Greek citizens....

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Poland's Finance minister Rostowski, says that Poland will join a trading band pegged to the euro called the exchange rate mechanism 2, for the zloty by the middle of 2009. This should help support the zloty in this difficult period giving the backing of the ECB to its currency. The zloty has lost 35% of its value in the past year. Poland, he said, will keep its deficit below the 3% level of GDP, and will rely more on monetary policy to fight the recession. Rostowski is visiting European capitals to give the message that Poland is different from some other Eastern European countries like Hungary, and it has more trading links to the west. Poland expects to have some growth of 2% in 2009.

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Krugman looks at the economies of indusrialized countries in 2014-2015. He points to the errors made by the Riksbank in Sweden to increase interest rates prematurely when a recovery was not on firm ground, ignoring the advice of deputy governor Lars Svensson. Sweden now faces the prospect of little growth and deflationary tendencies. He compares the decision of the ECB to raise rates in 2011 with Japan's decision to prematurely raise rates. The austerity policies in the EU driven by Germany and the lack of political consensus in the U.S., are faulted for making the situation worse when compared to Japan's poor handling of the situation. He says fiscal policy did not do enough in Japan to create growth, in the EU he says austerity policies were actually destructive of growth.

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Casey points to the co-dependency between stock market investors in the U.S. and the Bernanke Federal Reserve. The stock market slumped in July 2013 and then hit new highs when Fed chairman Bernanke clarified that monetary policy will contiue to be accomodative for a long period with rates low even as the Fed tapers off its bond purchases. This makes the task of normalizing interest rates tricky for the Fed. Bernanke and the rest of the Open Market Committee have to consider the problems of a bubble in the stock markets, avoiding a destabilizing selloff in markets because of strong signals of normalization of rates, and changes in economic conditions in the U.S. and to some exent globally. Similiar reassuring statements were made by the head of the Bank of Japan, Bank of England and the ECB.

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John Taylor on the dangers of a loose U.S. monetary policy and the effects this had in fueling a housing bubble in Spain, Ireland and other EU countries. Taylor points to the bubble ocurring in emerging market economies from low interest rates. Taylor says the ECB's interest rate moves in 2003-2005 were affected by the Fed's low interest rates. He estimates the ECB set rates about two percentage points too low leading to housing bubbles in EU countries. A similiar process is taking place today with the Fed's near zero interest rate policy. Taylor points to interest rates in a group of 18 emerging market economies- including Brazil, China, India, Mexico and Turkey, which have held interest rates on average about 5 percentage points below widely used benchmarks fueling a doubling of global commodity prices between 2009-2011. The U.S. Fed's policies make it harder for central banks in emerging market economies to take aggresssive action against bubbles developing in these countries. Taylor says his does not mean that the Fed should not pay attention to the U.S. unemployment rate and long term unemployed, but should keep in mind the negative effects of slowing demand in emerging market economies and in the EU as a result of its monetary policy of keeping rates at near zero for long periods of time. This feeds back to the U.S. economy at a critical time....

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The artificial nature of the target of debt to GDP of 120% for Greece in 2020. This is the target being followed in negotiations by the troika of the ECB, IMF and the EU. Experts say the sustainable level would be much lower for Greece -this would be much lower because of the aging population in Greece and lower level of workers to support retirees in future years, the inefficient tax collection system and poor prospects for changing it, the degree of control over monetary policy and the rate of change of debt. A recent study by the Bank for International Settlements shows debt sustainability at 85% after studying 18 countries from 1980 to 2010. No precise source has been found for the 120% target. An IMF Report in 2011 said the 120% was the "maximum level considered sustainable." Alan Auerbach at UC Berkeley and Michael Woodford at Columbia University, say the additional factors are relevant to Greece. The many unpredictables over the course of ten years is another serious difficulty.

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Christopher Power talks to three former IMF officials. If offered the Greece portfolio at the IMF, Simon Johnson, (a former IMF official) says he would ask for a transfer to Iceland, because Greece is incredibly complex, with the IMF unlikely to impose conditions. Especially with IMF chief Dominique Strauss Kahn's aspirations to become President of France. The ECB controls Greek monetary policy and there is no chance of a devaluation with the Greeks in the euro currency. This leaves Greece locked into an unsustainable currency rate. Kenneth Rogoff and Michael Mussa, both agree that the IMF can help buy time for Greece with bridge loans and laying a framework for confidence. Mussa points to the Greek problem- the credit markets won't buy their bonds forever and at the same time its a nasty business to have a sovereign default in the euro currency area. Mussa sees the situation as much like that of GM. Bush bought time for an orderly transition should GM have to declare bankruptcy, which is what happened under Obama. With the European recovery weak, Portugal and Spain fragile, an orderly arrangement is critical not to upset markets. Its like kicking the can down the street, says Mussa, but that can have some advantages. ...

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The European Central Bank left all its interest rates unchanged on September 7, 2016. No changes were made to asset purchase program, which will run until March 2017 or beyond as needed. The ECB left interest rates at 0% for its lending operations, and for overnight deposits at 0.4%.  Inflation is a special concern, as inflation was at 0.2% for August. Business activity and investment in the EU and in the U.S. is weak, and Brexit is still a concern.

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The legacy of extremely low interest rates near zero left by Italian banker Mario Draghi has he leaves the European Central Bank to be succeeded by French head of the IMF Christine Lagarde. There is considerable division in the ECB as Draghi launches yet one more program of bond buying called QE for quantitative easing- in effect reducing the interest rate of the ECB to minus 0.5%. All this is being done to address problems of economic growth in the eurozone which originate from other causes such as poor banking practices, overborrowing by member states and lack of transparency in countries such as Greece, the lack of investment in infrastructure, increase in part time workers in economic uncertainty generated from poor banking, essentially a lost decade. The ECB's monetary policy committee staff oppose the move and so do 7 of 25 members in the governing council.  Instead of tackling root causes this had the adverse effect of hurting savers in Europe and the U.S. leading to higher inequality and wearing out of social safety nets.   ...

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A new sense of optimism pervades Athens with the new government's standoff with international creditors. After governments from the centre left Pasok party and the centre right New Democracy Party from the country's elite, a new government led mostly by academics from Greece's universities and a fresh young face of Tsipras, has created a new spirit in Athens following 5 years of austerity and protests. Tsipras's Coalition of the Radical Left won 36% of the vote in the recent parliamentary elections of Jan. 2015, a month later polls show public support has increased to 70%. Even New Democracy supporters says the young Tsipras provides a breath of fresh air to Athens and Greece as he negotiates for an easing of the strict austerity measures leading to 25% unemployment. Signs of the change are everywhere. The riot police have been pulled back, and there is less security around parliament, 2000 bodyguards for senior politicians will be disbanded. Coffeshops in downtown Athens are filled till by young office workers and students as Greeks discuss the changes taking place. The ECB and the EU are taking a tough line in negotiations as the new government develops its negotiating stance, with much public posturing but deeper down a sense that a resolution needs to be reached that gives Greece the opportunity to return to growth. One aspect of the new government is a welcome change both for the EU, the ECB and Germany, as well as for the Greek people. As in Italy with Matteo Renzi following Berlusconi, leadership has passed to a younger generation better able to tackle the problems facing Southern Europe. In Italy Merkel personally intervened at one point calling Italy's president and creating momentum for the resignation of Berlusconi, followed by the shift to pro-EU Monti and Letta, and then to Matteo Renzi. Renzi received 40% of the vote in Italy's elections. In Greece a series of parliamentary elections shifted administrations from Papandreou to Samaras, and now to Alexis Tsipras. With fewer ties to the old governing elite the new administration can better deliver on prudent economic management in the long run to meet the concerns of Germany, Netherlands, the UK and other countries....

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There is increasing support in the ECB's governing council for an interest rate cut. ECB president Mario Draghi says 23 members support a cut, and adds "we stand ready to act." Rates were held steady to put pressure on European political leaders for more action. IHS Global Insight's chief European economist, Howard Archer, expects a 0.75% cut the next time the ECB meets in July 2012.

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The ECB's rate increase in March 2011, the first since 2009. Euro-zone inflation comes in at 2.4% in February 2011 and producer price inflation at 6.1% for January. Labor market shortages are being seen in Germany as the German economy sees higher job growth.