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The hike in the interest rate by 6% by the central bank of Argentina brings interest rates up to 40%. This is part of an effort to stem the decline in the value of the Argentina peso. The peso has lost a fifth of its value against the dollar so far in 2018, with a run on the peso seen on May 4th. The problems started with the central bank loosening its inflation target to 15% from 12%, says this report in the Economist. Inflation has shot up to 25% in Argentina in the last 12 months. Raising interest rates to as high as 40% is a risky move because of the effect on economic growth. President Macri and his Cambiemos (we can change) coalition won the election in 2015 by 2 percentage points over the Peronista Kirchner led party which ran the country after the debt crisis on a policy of debt reduction (desdeudameinto). Argentina's current account deficit is at 5% and growing rapidly. A major problem is the huge dollar denominated debt issued in 2016 and 2017 by the government, local government and private sector. According to the central bank BRCA the dollarized assets in 2016-2017 are about $25 billion representing capital flight, with $8 billion going for debt interest payments, profits and dividends, and $14 billion for travel and tourism. For a total of $50 billion according to central bank BRCA going to finance debt service payments, capital flight, profit remittances abroad, and tourism as a result of the issuance of $100 billion in dollar denominated debt by Argentina's government (90%) and private sector (10%). This is the first time such a large figure of dollar denominated debt was created after the financial crisis in Argentina during the first 2 Kirchner administrations during which time the debt was substantially reduced. This has led to S&P putting Argentina on the list of 5 most fragile economies in 2017. Instead of a gradual increase in issuing debt to finance economic development and focus on limiting loss through capital flight, avoiding rapid growth in dollar denominated debt, the Macri government has repeated the mistakes of the past in managing the economy. ...

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President Mauricio Macri of Argentina loses badly in a nationwide primary in Argentina. Peso and stocks dropped after the defeat and a sense that Macri's policies have not worked. The economy declined 5.8% in the first quarter of 2019 from a year earlier, with some recovery in recent months.  Following the defeat by Peronist party candidate Alberto Hernandez, Macri announced measures to help Argentine workers and middle class. He raised the minimum wage, increased public sector salaries, and put a freeze on fuel prices.  The Peronist party's Alberto Hernandez now looks likely to succeed Macri. Inflation is at 56% in June. Hernandez is a former cabinet chief under Christina Kirchner and Nestor Kirchner, former presidents. Christina Kirchner is running as Hernadez's running mate for vice president.  Under Christina Kirchner the government ran large deficits and defaulted on the national debt. Drop in commodities prices hurt Argentina and it also hurt Brazil during that period, worsening state finances. Macri provided an alternative but his market friendly policies have failed to help ordinary Argentines through errors in policy making and much of the early enthusiasm is lost. High inflation hurt ordinary Argentines the most. In the past week the Argentina stock market has lost about a third of its value and the peso has dropped by about 22% to 59 pesos to the dollar. Argentina is unique in the way it has swung back and forth for four decades.between market friendly administrations that did well initially and then failed dismally, and socialist Peronist party administrations with the same pattern. High inflation and dropping currency reserves were typical in downturns.  Brazil has suffered from crumbling state finances and collapse in essential services such as sanitation and health. Showing a deterioration of finances across Latin America. ...

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Argentina's 25% export tax on soyabeans exports  has led to a mere 8% increase in soyabean acreage since 2009 compared to 118% in Brazil that has no such tax. Productivity in agriculture is restricted because lower profits mean less is invested in patented seeds and agricultural equipment. Agriculture becomes less profitable. There is also a 10% tax on wheat exports. These taxes did not exist by 2000 in Latin American countries. Under Nestor Kirchner Argentina reintroduced the export tax after repudiating the debt, devaluing the peso, and shifting the economy to diverting more agricultural production for domestic use. This worked for a while during the crisis. It is now a problem limiting growth of agricultural exports and limiting economic growth. Even under Xavier Milei, the new president who is discarding many parts of the old regime, the export tax is not discarded as it is needed to balance the budget to fight high inflation.

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Greg Ip points out that the stronger dollar in 2018 is creating serious problems for Argentina, and will have an effect on Turkey, Indonesia and other developing countries. Dollarization hurts because it increases debt as debt servicing becomes costlier with dollar denominated debt and imports denominated in dollars become costlier. The dollar has increased in importance in the global economy. This is why the economic growth has suffered in developing countries in 2018. It is also why president Trump believes he can cut off Iran from the U.S. banking system to increase chance of new negotiations to fix flaws in the Iran nuclear deal, says Ip.   Argentina has seen internal problems compounded by the rising dollar causing the peso to drop by 17% so far in 2018. 88% of Argentina's imports are denominated in dollars. A rising dollar means it costs more in pesos for imports. Argentina's different levels of government have $98 billion in dollar denominated debt, and private sector has an additional $68 billion, the total being a third of its GDP. A decline in the peso means this is harder to pay off. About 40% of world trade, according to Harvard economist Gita Gopinath, is invoiced in U.S. dollars, four times U.S. share of world trade, and developing countries together owe $2 trillion in dollar denominated debt according to BIS. This makes it harder for developing countries such as Indonesia, Turkey, India, Argentina, Brazil, as they now face rising oil prices in combination with a rising dollar. In Argentina a poor crop for soyabeans and other agricultural exports in 2018 creates additional woes.   ...

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Vannis Varoufakis, Greece's feisty finance minister in the debt negotiations with the IMF and the EU, dispels the notion that the Argentina default is an example for Greece to follow, both in his blog and talking to James Stewart of the NYT. He says in his blog, that this is "profoundly wrong." Greece's economy is dependent on the euro, its banks and private sector borrowings tied to the euro, and going back to the drachma would be harder than Argentina removing the peg to the dollar and devaluing sharply in 2001. Even then half of the purchasing power was gone in conversion from dollar denominated deposits to pesos. In December 2001 Argentina defaulted on $93 billion in debt, sharply devalued the peso, resulting in a economic depression, riots and demonstrations. The economy stabilized in 2002, and paid back debt owed to the IMF by 2006, only because of export demand for Argentina's main products of soya beans, and corn, soya oil with high demand from China and Brazil. Greece's exports of cotton and fish cannot provide the basis for such a recovery, says Varoufakis. Arturo Porzecanski at American University, and Daniel Gros, Director of the Center for European Policy Studies have written 2 separate papers on Greece following the Argentine example, and agree with this conclusion....

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A situation now in the Euro-zone countries of Greece, Portugal, Ireland and Spain, that is similiar to what Argentina faced when its economy collapsed and the peso was devalued in 2001. The Argentine peso was pegged to the dollar increasing the attractiveness of Argentine bonds for foreign investors. A severe recession in the 1990's made it difficult for Argentina to service its debt. And the high value of the peso made it harder for Argentine exporters to compete . A devaluation of the Brazilian currency in 2001 left Argentina in a situation where it was no longer able to compete. The government fell and the economy suffered a severe blow with depression and cuts in spending. Both the Argentine peso's peg to the dollar and the adoption of the euro by Greece, Portugal, and Spain prevent adjustment through a devaluation, making the situation worse over time. Some experts from that time including Mohamed El-Arian of PIMCO see the exit of some countries from the euro-zone. Their view is that bondholders in Europe will have to accept new securities that pay less interest and mature over a longer period....

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Faces of ordinary Argentines in Buenos Aires, as Argentina faces high inflation following a devaluation of the peso by 17% in early 2014. Argentina has faced recurring crises of devaluation of the currency and high inflation, in 2001 and a decade earlier under president Alfonsin, and in periods stretching back to the period after independence from Spain. Brazil had recurring bouts of inflation and devaluation of the currency which was followed by a buildup of foreign currency reserves during the recent boom in commodity markets. This has helped Brazil keep inflation under control, better than the situation facing Argentina with much smaller currency reserves.

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Argentina imposes currency controls as the economic crisis worsens. The peso has lost 25% of its value and inflation is at 50%. A $57 billion IMF loan has failed to restore confidence. President Macri came into office abolishing currency controls, now he is compelled to reverse his policy. Macri also said the government will delay $7 billion in debt repayments. Argentina is back to the frequent economic crises it has faced since 1945. Macri's loss in primary elections to Mr. Fernandez of the Peronist Party has changed the situation in Argentina ending the Macri administration's period in office by December.

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The mismanagement of the economy under president Macri is leading to an economic crisis in the country. By embracing economic orthodoxy and slashing subsidies for fuel, electricity and transportation Mr. Macri who won the election 3 years ago has cause the prices of these basic goods to skyrocket. This has hurt the middle class and poor in Argentina. For most of this century Argentina has pursued populist policies, and in the last five decades periods of free market principle based economics were followed by severe crises, and subsequent restoration of populist policies to improve the economic conditions that had deteriorated.  The peso lost half of its value in 2018, leading to a IMF bailout of $57 billion. Inflation is at 50%, unemployment above 9%. To stem the fall in the peso the central bank increased interest rates to 60% stifling the economy and business. Under his predecessor Christine Kirchner the peso's value suffered and its currency reserves were low after fall in soyabean prices, yet the currency had not suffered the kind of decline that it has seen under Mr. Macri. The cutting of subsidies and the economic crisis has increased the number of poor to about a third of the population. Argentina now faces another of the repeated cycles of going from a populist Peronist administration to a free market orthodoxy supporting government, followed by an economic crisis and a shift back to Peronist populist administration policies. Part of the problem is that Argentina, and Brazil, and most of Latin America is still dependent on commodity exports, and the economy dependent on commodity prices. The manufacturing sector has not taken off as it has in Asian countries. This has led to repeated crises in times when the currency reserves declined and affected the currency, also leading to bouts of severe inflation.   ...

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Most of the provinces vote in favor of Milei including Cordoba and Mendoza, Salta and SantaFe. Only Buenos Aires province and two other provinces vote in favor of Sergio Massa, the Peronist candidate. Milei wins by 56% to Massa's 46%. The election is affected by the Peronist party president Fernandez's failure to control inflation that has reached 140%. La Nacion points out that most voters are angry at the political and economic reality, and are not voting for an ideology. In April 2020 one US dollar was worth 80 pesos, in 2023 it is 1000 pesos. Argentine has a chronic problem- repeated bouts of high inflation over 4 decades.

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Brazil's ever increasing production of soyabeans and investments in Brazil by China and US's Cargill ADM result in a oversupply of soyabeans in world's markets leading to lower prices for American farmers. 70% of soyabeans imports by China were from Brazil in 2024 and Cofco state owned agricultural company in China is building a large port terminal on Brazil's coast to handle soyabeans and other exports. Trade tensions with the US mean there are no written agreements farmers can count on for soyabean exports to China. China purchased 13 million metric tons from Argentina last month and committed to buying 25 million metric tons in 2026-2028. Argentina lifted its 26% export tax for the first $7 billion in agricultural exports to bolster it's peso recently. US is turning to other markets in Turkey, Egypt, Morocco, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Thailand and Europe to make up for volume lost to Brazil. For September and October there is a 45% increase in US exports in 2025 resulting from these non-Chinese buyers. No mention is made of India, yet India could in future be a significant buyer of soyabeans because of thenutritional value of soyabeans in an anti-cancer diet and the high protein content which would make Indian diets healthier. In agriculture farmers are not the ones who develop new tastes and new trends in new markets, yet this effort should be part of farmer's outreach to other nations and other cultural food habits with shifts to healthy nutrition. ...

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After the first round of elections Mauricio Macri threw his support to Milei. Macri was president from 2015 to 2019 when pro-market reforms led to unrestrained borrowing from overseas investors. It failed leading to high inflation and turning to the IMF for loan of $57 billion. Any time there is a drought or agriculture in Pampas fails reserves dry up as in 2016 and again recently. Macri was ousted in the next election and replaced by Peronist Fernandez. The problems persist with a return to Macri and Milei who was just elected president turning to dollarization when the country lacks the $9 billion needed to convert pesos to US dollars. Argentina has net reserves of $20 billion, borrowing from China of $17 billion and net reserves of  negative $10 billion. 

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The devaluation of the Argentine peso from 9.8 to the dollar to 13 to the dollar in Dec. 2015 by president Macri is leading to higher inflation hurting the working class. The cutting of export taxes is helping farmers. Removing most currency controls is designed to help increase foreign investment by letting foreign companies freely repatriate profits. Also expected to be removed are bureaucratic procedures that limit imports of new equipment for manufacturers. Middle class voters see the moves helping the economy in the long run with new foreign investment and changing the outlook for investment. A former central bank president Mario Blejer points out that after 12 years of the previous Kirchner administration Argentina needs investment- by improving the outlook for investment and removing import controls the government plans to stimulate investment to lead to economic growth. Inflation is up 25% and Macri is keeping Mrs. Kirchner's price control programs in place to prevent a surge in inflation beyond the impact of the devaluation. ...

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When shortages of wheat following the war in Ukraine are causing a crisis in some countries such as Egypt and Africa, there are other unusual changes  as emerging market currencies such as the Brazilian Real and the Chilean Peso, South African Rand are increasing in value. Even with the strengthening of the US dollar the supply chain disruptions are benefiting exporters of soyabeans such as Brazil and Argentina, and copper such as Chile with strengthening of their currencies. The Brazilian Real has strengthened by 13%. The WSJ calls it the sharpest commodities rally in modern trading history. One analyst says this is unusual how emerging market currencies could rally in the first quarter of 2022 with war in Ukraine, supply chain disruption, strengthening dollar reaching almost parity with the euro.  Today this is a positive sign for the Free World in Latin America. Currencies weakening are ones in countries exposed to a sharply slowing Chinese economy and rising energy costs such as Thai Baht and South Korean Won.  Brazil's central bank is also increasing its lending rate to the highest level in 5 years. Other American allies in Eastern Europe such as Poland which has taken in 3 million Ukraine refugees are also seeing a strengthening currency in this new situation. The National Bank of Poland increased its key lending rate by three quarters of a point to 5.25% which has attracted investors to the Polish currency the Zloty. ...

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In Brazil's 2018 elections most candidates talk about shoring up crumbling infrastructure, and law and order. Yet no one talks about the budget crisis as there is no money left for doing this.  Shocking as this may sound after years of overspending and a recession, Brazil now uses borrowed money to pay pensions and salaries, and keep schools and hospitals open. Brazil's public spending exceeds revenue by about 7% of annual economic output. Taxes are already 40% of economic output, according to CIA's World Factbook website, making it hard to raise taxes.  This WSJ analysis says you cannot overstate the problem in Brazil as about two thirds of the budget goes to paying old age pensions, payroll of public sector and public healthcare. By 2020 these liablilities will grow to the point there is nothing left for discretionary spending such as roads, infrastructure, new hospitals, police equipment. Trimming pensions and freezing wages are likely options to tackle the problem. Still this leaves Brazil with the prospect of a lost decade.   Neighboring Argentina is experiencing a contracting economy and had to turn to the IMF for assistance.  The decline in GDP comes as a new conservative administration took over promising an improvement in the economy. The peso declined by 18% in 2018 so far leaving Argentina's public and private debt of $166 billion which is 80% denominated in U.S. dollars much harder to pay off. The stronger dollar has hurt Argentina leading to a $50 billion support agreement with the IMF.  Much of Latin America is now in an economic crisis. ...

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The Peronist candidate Alberto Fernandez wins Argentina's election with 48% support. Mr. Macri's economic policy led to mismanagement of the economy, and recession, high inflation. Mr. Macri took on $100 billion in foreign debt and had to turn to the IMF for a $57 billion bailout. The shift in administration happens as the peso tumbles. By lifting capital controls in 2016 when the official rate was 10 to the dollar Mr. Macri shifted direction but failed to manage this in a prudent way leading to a jump in the foreign debt. By the second half of 2018 this policy led to the peso falling to 45 to the dollar and another drop by mid 2019 to about 60 to the dollar. The central bank has burned about $22 billion or a third of the central bank reserves to defend the peso, including $4 billion only last week. A third of this decline in reserves is due to withdrawals as capital controls were reimposed., the remainder due to interest on debt and bank interventions in currency markets to defend the peso. Customers are now limited to $100 in withdrawals leading to demand in the black market pushing the rate to 75 pesos to the dollar. Argentina is no stranger to these crises, yet they repeat every 10-15 years. The earlier Peronist administration of Mr. Nestor Kirchner came in when there was economic collapse in 2003 and had to suspend debt payments as a last resort. Negotiations were begun with lenders only after 2007 when Mr. Kirchner's wife Christina Kirchner assumed office. She won the election in 2011 but was defeated in the 2015 election by Mr. Macri, and reelected in 2019 as vice president running under her former chief of staff Mr. Alberto Fernandez. The Peronists are a socialist party and restored a degree of stability to the economy, limiting foreign debt and managing the economy with a rebound in commodity prices such as soyabeans exported by Argentina to meet growing demand in China. By 2015 the country appeared ready for a change, but Mr. Macri's austerity policies and mismanagement of the debt led to a repeat of earlier crises with high inflation and collapsing peso, hitting working class Argentines.    Argentina has a long history of alienation with IMF loans with policy strings attached for austerity spending, starting in 1957.  About 58% of the people who voted Macri into office opposed turning to the IMF in May 2018 after interest rates were raised to 40% by the central bank to stem a drop in the peso. The IMF loan this time was a shorter duration loan on better and was supposed to help Mr. Macri stabilize the economy and its cash and payments position. The jump in foreign debt including issue of dollar denominated bonds, lack of caution and prudence in managing the finances, lack of currency controls, drop in foreign investment by 2019, and the fall in commodity prices from the commodity boom years especially soyabeans, combined to create another collapse in Argentina. It was thought that the 2003 crisis that hit the working class and poor hardest was behind it once and for all. Yet only 15 years later the country is in a similar mess and hardships, showing that prudent management of finances, maintaining social programs to support the middle and weaker segments, and ways to create sustainable growth from within, are still the major problems facing not just Argentina, but also Brazil, Chile and other nations of Latin America.   ...

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Brazil's Senate passes a 20 year spending cap to be reviewed every 10 years put forward by interim president Michel Temer. After years of increased spending and higher deficits, the action is intended to control government spending. It also means reversing some of the spending on healthcare and social programs of the Workers Party of Rousseff and Da Silva. After a long period of Workers party rule with higher spending, the drop in commodity prices and declining growth in China led to stalling growth in a commodities (metals and grain) dependent Brazilian economy. The spending cap passed the Senate 53 to 16. President Temer is  unpopular and seen as part of the same government and elite as Rousseff that led to the corruption scandals- recent polls show 63% of Brazilian people want him to resign and only 10% saying he is doing a good job. A Datafolha poll shows 60% oppose the spending cap. After the impeachment of president Rousseff in the corruption scandal, vice president Temer assumed the presidency till 2018. Brazil's Workers Party was popular during the da Silva years as it expanded spending on social programs- supported by a growing economy with commodities exports to China and high prices- only to see a slumping economy and falling popularity under successor Rousseff as the boom ended. In Argentina a similar process unfolded with higher spending on social programs and growing popularity during the Kirchner presidency- with commodities exports of grains to China- followed by declining popularity as the economy entered a difficult phase with a fall in the value of the peso, and the election of a new president Mauricio Macri.   ...

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Alexandra Stevenson provides this exceptional account summarizing the reasoning in the minds of Argentine negotiators and holdout bondholders over a debt dispute remaining from the 2001 Argentine debt crisis and default. Over a decade later the repercussions of Argentina's 2001 debt crisis and default are still taking new twists ant turns. Holdout bondholders won in U.S. courts and Judge Griesa ordered Argentina to make full payment demanded by holdout bondholders. Argentina responded by depositing $539 million in Bank of New York Mellon as instalment payment to exchange bondholders. Judge Griesa responded by ruling that if Bank of New York Mellon made the payment it would be in contempt of court. Griesa also called for court mediated negotiations between Argentina and the holdout bondholders to come up with an agreement. Argentina and hedge fund holdouts negotiated in July 2014 but talks faltered. Legal experts say that if Argentina makes an agreement with holdout bondholders led by NML Capital which is asking for $1.5 billion, the risk is that the exchange bondholders could also ask for better terms. After the 2001 crisis following which Argentina defaulted on its debt, agreements were reached for bondholders to be paid about 25 cents on the dollar. Not all bondholders agreed, the bondholders who agreed are called the exhange bondholders, and the ones holding out holdout bondholders. From the Argentine government's point of view the risk of reaching agreement with the holdouts suing Argentina is that the other holdout bondholders not represented in the lawsuit could also ask for the same terms, and Argentina would have to pay all the holdouts costing it $15 billion. Risks if Argentina allows it to go into default are that exchange bondholders would come together to pressure the Argentine government to make a full payment of their discounted bonds quickly. This would cost Argentina payment of as much as $28.7 billion, according to JPMorgan estimates, under the right to "accelerate" payment if Argentina is considered as having missed a July 30, 2014 payment deadline. Legal experts say Argentina has to weigh this risk, which may or may not occur depending on the exchange bondholders taking such action, against the risk of having to pay out $15 billion to all the holdouts. Paying all holdouts would be politically very unpopular in Argentina, posing political risks for the socialist Peronist Kirchner government, already facing difficulties with the trade unions and the stronger opposition from centrist parties in Buenos Aires province. Default would affect Argentine access to capital markets, which is already highly restricted. Yet because Argentina has made the payment to Bank of New York Mellon, blocked by Judge Griesa, the nature of this default would be different. A worse case scenario for Argentina's Kirchner government is reopening negotiations with exchange bondholders for higher payment on debt than the 25 cents on the dollar already agreed to. Argentina faces an acute cash shortage with international reserves of only about $29.5 billion in May 2014, and a slowing agricultural export dependent economy. This is why the prospect of a technical default is being treated with relative calm in Buenos Aires....

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Mexico's domestic car market is weak, most of the cars are manufactured for export. From 2000 to 2008 the domestic car market in Brazil grew by 80% to 2.67 million vehicles, and in Argentina by 79% to 610,713 vehicles. Sales went up in 2008 by 14% in Brazil and by 8% in Argentina. Whereas in Mexico domestic sales fell 6.8% during 2008 to 1.03 million vehicles. Sales for 2009 in the domestic market are expected to fall by 20%. And auto exports from Mexico fell dramatically in Jan-Feb 2009 dropping by 52% to 89,242 units over same period last year. Auto exports generate a $15 billion surplus for Mexico so there is concern about this sharp drop. Auto exports rose 3% in 2008 to 1.7 million units, and 79% of 2008 domestic production of 2.1 million units went to exports. One in 74 people were sold a car in Brazil in 2008, and 1 in 66 in Argentina, whereas in Mexico it is one in 107 people. And Mexico's minimum wage of 55 pesos is $3.85 per day, the lowest of the 3 countries. The low paying jobs and poor income distribution in Mexico is a reason for this. Under Nafta Mexico also allows the import of cars from the USA which are over 10 years old. Mexico imported 909,000 vehicles in 2009. To keep the Mexican auto industry from sinking the government is considering assistance to the domestic manufacturers, dealers, and car loan companies, a total of 9.5 billion pesos, as well as sales incentives for buyers. But domestic sales are relatively smaller and the market weak to make up for the huge loss in exports judging by the Jan-Feb 2009 numbers off 52%. A lot is at risk with the domestic car industry generating 24% of manufacturing exports, 16% of manufacturing, and with more than a million workers directly or indirectly associated with the industry. Already GM and VW have announced layoffs. ...

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Argentina president Mauricio Macri wins 40% of the vote, losing to the Peronist candidate Alberto Fernandez with 48% of the vote. The Peronists, a socialist party, also won in Buenos Aires province elections for governor.. The shift from centre right to the socialist party occurs as the country is in deep financial crisis with about 50% inflation. The Argentine currency, the peso falling in a few years since 2015 from 10 to the dollar to 60 to the dollar, leading to high inflation and hurting Argentines with rapidly falling purchasing power of income. Argentines rejected austerity policies of Macri and the free market policies pursued under Macri failed. This was aggravated with lack of prudent management of finances and overborrowing using dollar denominated bonds reaching $115 billion in bonds debt by 2019. Me. Macri inherited a budget deficit from Ms. Kirchner in 2015. The economy was overly dependent on a temporary boom in commodity prices for soyabeans as a result of demand from China. A weather related crisis led to a decline in agricultural exports in 2017-2018. Yet the budget deficit was allowed to grow and the foreign debt was financed with foreign currency denominated bonds to the point where Argentina could now default on $115 billion in foreign currency denominated  bonds. Overly dependent on uncertain foreign interest in Argentine bonds, Argentine agricultural commodities exports at high prices, uncertain foreign investment, hurt Argentina. Drought conditions in 2018 hurt export revenues. This required very prudent and careful management of finances which Mr. Macri failed to provide. Turning to the IMF for a $57 billion loan in May 2018, in just 3 years of his administration, and after Argentina took years following the crisis of 2003 to settle foreign debts, showed a failure and mismanagement of huge proportions. ...