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Reasons why class identification and party identification are not the same thing. Other factors besides income go into determining voter preferences, which can change in different periods and situations.

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Romney says his 47% remarks were "just completely wrong." Adding "My life has shown that I care about 100%, and that's been demonstrated throughout my life. And this whole campaign is about the 100%."

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Huntsman's strategy in S. Carolina is to draw moderate voters south of Columbia and midwestern transplants along the coast. The plan is to draw voters who would otherwise vote for Romney and give a win to Perry or Santorum. This way he could try for a comeback in other states.

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This report by Timiraos in WSJ describes the tussle between supply siders led by Mike Pence and David Malpass with the zero sum advisors who advised Trump on trade during the campaign. The zero sum advisors are focussed only on how to turn trade to improve the U.S. position and cut trade deficits. The supply siders are trying to show that trade can benefit the U.S. only that it needs to be adjusted so that it works better for the U.S.

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This editorial in the WSJ responds to Donald Trump's comments about the system being "corrupt" and "crooked" and saying there could be violence at the convention. It says the rules are transparent and long standing in Wyoming, Colorado and other states where Trump has not campaigned or sought support. It calls on the Republican National Committee not to be intimidated by Trump's statements, especially as it says the the Republican party should not nominate a candidate who has the highest negative perceptions rating of a shocking 65% with national voters in a general election. Trump never complained when he won 99 delegates in Florida with 45% of the vote and 50 delegates in South Carolina with 32% of the votes cast- securing the most delegates because of a winner take all or winner take most system. It says Trump has so far won only 37% of all votes cast and won about 45% of the delegates, a process that can be seen as disproportionately favoring Trump because of the rules. This is particularly true because Trump's core support has remained at about 35%, and the fragmentation of the remaining vote has hurt the other candidates. About 83% of eligible voters have not voted in the primaries, making the process less representative than it should be. ...

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David Brooks on the contrast of old stye politics with flamboyant displays of emotion of Joe Biden and the more restrained expressions in today's world with policy focussed candidates such as Paul Ryan. This was on ample display in the 2012 U.S. vice presidential debate. Brooks says independent voters may be turned off by a confrontational attitude, especially now that bipartisanship will be important to navigate through the challenges presented by debt and the deficits. These independent voters will also be looking for a credible plan to turn the economy around in the next four years.

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A Romney win would end the gridlock in Washington reducing the political uncertainty in Washington D.C., with both Republicans and Democrats supporting short term efforts to revive the economy. This would increase confidence for business investment and create a better business climate after the divisive politics of the last 4 years. An alternative scenario in which this happens is a large Obama win with Republicans offering cooperation with the new administration, which is less likely with the condition of the economy.

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The tense atmosphere in the talks between the Obama White House and Congressional leaders to achieve deficit reduction and raise the U.S. debt ceiling.

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Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell offered a way out of the stalemate in talks between the Obama White House and Republican leaders Boehner and Cantor. McConnell's proposal designed to meet the August 2nd 2011 deadlinefor raising the U.S. debt limit is to give the President new authority to raise the federal debt limit. It would place the entire responsibility for raising the debt limit on the President. Under this proposal Republicans would not have to vote to raise the debt limit. Republicans can then shift the effort for large spending cuts to the congressional appropriations process.

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U.S. President Lyndon Baines Johnson was committed to spending on a war overseas and domestic priorties for the Great Society program at home. Johnson struggled with Congress to meet the costs of both. He even suggested a 10% tax surcharge to pay for the war and domestic programs. Dallek says 79% of American opposed a tax increase in 1968. Republican Richard Nixon was elected U.S. president that year.

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The recent appointment of fast food executive Andrew Puzder as Labor Secretary has caused great concern among union leaders. Puzder supports a $9 minimum wage compared to $15 supported by Democrats. Unions now represent 7% of the labor force, down from a high of 20% during Reagan's time when Reagan appointed a construction company executive as Labor Secretary and cut regulations.  Globalization has thinned the ranks of workers in unions. And the failure of Democratic administrations to stem the shift of factories overseas to China, Mexico and other places, as part of global supply chains focussed on cost, has weakened Democratic support among workers since the period of Bill Clinton. It eroded to the point where Obama won 65% of support among unions and Hillary Clinton won 56% in 2016. Interestingly the Republican Romney gained 33% versus 37% for Trump, showing voters were more inclined to move away from Democrats and only a smaller number willing to support Republicans, but the shift enough to give Republicans a win in 2016 for the presidency. The figures are from a Election Day survey of trade union AFL-CIO, and a larger proportion in midwestern states showed disaffection with policies from Clinton to Obama. In fact Obama spent years promoting another free trade agreement TPP that favored tech more than auto and older industries, just as Bill Clinton had promoted NAFTA, without giving thought to what this was doing to its worker base of support. A similar situation happened with Social Democrats in Germany as a SPD administration moved to the centre and handed Christian Democrats led by Merkel a win in parliamentary elections. As Democrats such as former Labor Secretary Reich, a professor at UC Berkeley who served under Bill Clinton, describe the problems of working class people their is less reflection on the impact of the changes from globalization and how Democrats handled or mishandled it, and more on the politics between the two parties.   ...

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Dirk Kurbjuweit of Spiegel says Merkel needs to show strong leadership to overcome the challenges with the rise of right wing populists in the U.S., Britain and France. He points to the leadership shown in the latter part of Kohl's term in office to promote German reunification after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The challenges include talking to the German people directly in a convincing way, and meeting the day to day challenges of life for the people with investments in education, health care, infrastructure so that people see real significant improvement. It is even necessary to reorder priorities such as the shift from nuclear energy so that this challenge is met. It is not enough to hope that more Christian Democrats turn out to vote than Social Democrats, that the fifth of Germans who feel the economy is not working for them and feel threatened by immigration see real changes being made to address their concerns.

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The problems Brazil faces with a sea of liquidity from developed countries with low interest rates going to emerging market countries with higher interest rates. Brazil is taking steps including a recent cut in interest rates to stem the flow. But interest rates at 12% are still too high not to attract business people in the carrying trade who borrow at low rates in the U.S. and Europe and invest the money in Brazil. The foreign direct investment has also increased. The result is an artificially overvalued currency- by as much as 36% since Jan 1, 2009 according to analysts- which hurts exporters and job creation in Brazil, as it becomes cheaper to import products than manufacture at home. Workers from VW recently protested in Sao Paulo as imports of cars are up significantly and there is a fear of job reduction at VW plants in Brazil. Brazil's automakers association estimate is for car imports to make up 25% of all cars sold in Brazil in 2011. This compares with 5% of cars sold being imported in 2005. It also shows up in production statistics. Brazilian industrial production declined by 1.6% in June 2011 from May. The cost of inputs are increasing rapidly for labor, raw materials, transportation, making Brazil a costly place to do business. The cost of living is now higher in Sao Paulo than in New York city. Cynthia Benedetto, the CFO of Embraer, a large Brazilian aircraft maker, says she always thought since she was a little girl that Brazil was the place of the future. But its deceptive now that the future is here, because this euphoria of progress could be shortlived. Embraer is investing in technology to reduce labor costs and is opening factories overseas. Bombardier, one of Embraer's competitors from Canada recently announced plans to build a manufacturing plant in Mexico. Brazilian president Rousseff is aware of this, and told Latin American leaders in Lima, Peru: "we have to defend ourselves against this immense, fantastic, extraordinary sea of liquidity that finds its way to our economies in search of returns that it can't find in its own." At the same time Rousseff has election promises to fulfill that require larger spending and for which the capital inflows are convenient but could prove erratic- for social welfare projects, and for infrastructure spending in advance of the Olympics. Turkey is seeing a similiar situation with booming consumer credit sustained by capital inflows even as its manufacturing competitiveness has remained weak. ...

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Did U.S. Treaury Secretary, Timothy Geithner, ignore a key request by President Obama to present plans for the restructuring of Citigroup after the government bailout of Citigroup? Ron Suskind says this is what happened in his book on the Obama administration and how the White House operated to make key decisions. Ron Suskind, intervewed key members of the Obama White House economic policy team, Lawrence Summers, Christina Romer, Peter Orszag. In all Suskind conducted 700 hours of interviews for his new book in Sept 2011: "Confidence Men: Wall Street, Washington and the Education of a President." According to the book, in early 2009 after Obama authorized a series of stress tests for banks he told Geithner to develop a plan for restructuring Citigroup. A month later at a meeting not attended by Geithner Obama raised a question about the status of the plan. He was told by Romer that no restructuring plan had been developed for Citi. Suskind says Geithner disagreed about a plan to restructure Citi and decided to ignore the request. Geithner and the Treasury Department say Obama asked Geithner to develop a backup plan to overhaul banks if the government was forced to keep a big ownership stake in the companies, and "there was fortunately never a need to put them in place." Geithner told Suskind that he doesn't slow-walk the President on any matter. Other aspects of the operation of the economic policy team that Suskind covers are a series of memos from top aide Pete Rouse raising questions that ongoing communication between some members of the economic team and Summers was giving Summers power to shape policy. Summers, Director of the National Economic Council, is shown as trying to keep out the views of Romer and budget director Orszag from reaching the President without going through him. When Orszag gives a private report to the president on the deficit, Summers objects saying that this was immoral. Obama lacked the fresh ideas needed to tackle the problems created by the mortgage and banking crisis of 2008, when he used the Clinton administration economic policy team of the 1990's- Rubin, Bernanke, Summers and Geithner. Fresh approaches were needed two decades after Clinton's election in 1992, and the Bush administration that followed, as many of the problems developed during this period. The similiar embedded thinking was shared during the Clinton and Bush administrations and the economic advisors about dealings with the banking sector, but the situation for deficits, unemployment, housing, and the economy had completely changed requiring fresh approaches. ...

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Reporters at the Washington Post put together the events leading to the formation of a bloc of freshman Republicans in the U.S. House of Representatives who refused to compromise on debt ceiling and deficit reduction negotiations. The role of Cantor, McCarthy and Ryan in these events.

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This New York Times editorial describes the impact on lower income Americans of spending cuts that are part of the Romney-Ryan plan.