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How currency exchange rates are creating shifts in production from Europe into the US and further accelerating the changes in the automotive landscape. Now more German factories are planned by the likes of VW and BMW and their suppliers, and near their production bases in southern states which are non-unionized labor. BMW figures currency swings cost it about $900 million in earnings in 2006 due to the stronger euro. Both BMW and Mercedes see the stronger euro as a long term thing and are planning investments in the US based on this. BMW is expanding its Spartanburg , NC facility. In addition to the X3 SUV it will make the X5 and X6 SUVs there. And product from here will be exported back to Europe and other countries in addition to the US market. Mercedes had already expanded in Vance, Alabama before the pronounced currency swing for the euro. The Korean car makers Hyundai and Kia are facing similiar situation because of the stronger won. The weaker yen is creating a revert back to production in Japan in the case of Toyota and a halt to expansion in the USA, see the article on this recently. ...

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90% of consumer borrowing in Hungary this year says the Hungarian central bank isis swiss francs or euros. With the Hungariancurrency dropping in value its making it harder to repay loans. And much of government debt is denominated in foreign currency making repayment all that harder.

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Russia's central bank allows the ruble to decline by 1% against a basket of euros and dollars, closing at 31.60 on the Moscow Interbank Currency Exchange. The ruble has fallen 4% since the government began what analysts believe is a gradual depreciation of as much as 20%.

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A cut in interest rates by a quarter percentage point from the U.S. central bank is a decision that comes from the U.S. not wanting to see too wide a gap in interest rates with the European Union. Losing demand to Europe and resulting lower inflation is an outcome prevented by the U.S. acting to protect its own economy with  acut in its rate. The ECB rate at 0.4% is about 3 percentage points below the Federal Reserve's rate in the U.S. After the cuts in rates to near zero by the central banks of U.S. and Europe following the financial crisis caused by poor lending practices of banks, the U.S. central bank began a process of bringing rates to about 3%. Lower rates near zero badly hurt savings accounts of ordinary Americans. By December 2018 the rates had reached 2.25%.  President Trump has called for lower rates. because of the advantages it gives Europe in trade balances with a weaker currency that follows from lower interest rates. Capital flows to the country with higher rates and increases the value of the currency creating trade disadvantages and lower trade balances. WIth European interest rates much lower than the U.S. it pushes down the value of the euro vs the dollar and the British pound lower from Brexit fears. This increases European exports putting the U.S.  at a disadvantage. As the WSJ points out the U.S. central bank says though Mr. Trump is looking at trade balances and U.S. advantage, and Mr. Powell at the U.S. central bank is looking at U.S. inflation, the result for policy is the same- the U.S. acting to cut rates and stay close to what the European Union is doing. Bond yields in Europe have dropped from a negative 0.24% to negative 0.32% with the ECB's head Mr. Draghi moving to cut rates. The announcement of Ms. Christine Lagarde as the new head of the ECB to succeed Draghi and her views to push demand up, is pushing bond yields down. The U.S. as part of the globally linked economy has to act in line with policies in Europe. ...

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The effects of the eurozone crisis on the everyday lives of ordinary Hungarians in Budapest. The impact is particularly severe on retirees and other people with home loans that were taken out in swiss francs or euros because of the depreciation of the Hungarian currency, the forint. There is a loss of confidence in politicians, and the government of prime minister Orban is seen as having worsened the crisis by losing international credibility and confidence . Hungary's debt is denominated mostly in euros which make repayment difficult. Yields on its bonds are over 10%.

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A situation now in the Euro-zone countries of Greece, Portugal, Ireland and Spain, that is similiar to what Argentina faced when its economy collapsed and the peso was devalued in 2001. The Argentine peso was pegged to the dollar increasing the attractiveness of Argentine bonds for foreign investors. A severe recession in the 1990's made it difficult for Argentina to service its debt. And the high value of the peso made it harder for Argentine exporters to compete . A devaluation of the Brazilian currency in 2001 left Argentina in a situation where it was no longer able to compete. The government fell and the economy suffered a severe blow with depression and cuts in spending. Both the Argentine peso's peg to the dollar and the adoption of the euro by Greece, Portugal, and Spain prevent adjustment through a devaluation, making the situation worse over time. Some experts from that time including Mohamed El-Arian of PIMCO see the exit of some countries from the euro-zone. Their view is that bondholders in Europe will have to accept new securities that pay less interest and mature over a longer period....

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Matt O'Brien points out that the Chinese currency may be overvalued as other currencies including the euro and the Japanese yen weakened. Since 2005 China let the yuan appreciate very gradually. As China's economic growth slowed in 2014 investor outflows have increased with an estimated $800 billion leaving the country. China has spent some of its reserves to keep it stable. Before the move the yuan was managed by letting it trade up or down 2% each day around a midpoint set by the government. The new setup keeps this but lets the market set the midpoint based on where it closed the prior day. This move was recommended by the IMF to help in the transition of the yuan to becoming a reserve currency. O'Brien points out that the soft peg to the U.S. dollar means the yuan appreciated 9.2% against the euro and 57.8% against the Japanese yen in the years 2013-2015, and this is happening as the U.S. Federal Reserve is planning to raise interest rates- the real trade weighted exchange rate being up 14% for the yuan in the last 12 months. The 8.3% decline in the exports for July 2015 over the prior year led the government to this action. The increase in investor outflows as a result will lead to further declines, with some estimates of the eventual decline in the yuan at about 10%....

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The People's Bank of China says that it will track the value of the renminbi against a basket of currencies, not just the dollar as it has done previously. It did not say when this would happen. Experts say this shift would lead to a weakening of the currrency relative to the dollar. This follows the decision by the IMF to add the renminbi as one of the leading currencies with the dollar, pound, yen and euro.

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Only 28% of the people in Portugal between 25 and 64 have completed high school . This compares with 85% in Germany, 91% in Czech Republic and 89% for the U.S. Portugal's high-school dropout rate is 37%, one of the highest in Europe. Its reading scores lag behind the OECD average, even after improvements in the last decade. The military dictatorships that ruled Portugal did not emphasize education, and education was neglected for several centuries before that. Even after efforts by the democratically elected governments in recent decades there is a huge gap between Portugal and countries like Ireland. This becomes important for Portugal to build industries and have the technical skilled workers to support these industries. Without this Portugal's financial condition can only get worse. With a technical skilled workforce such as that in Ireland, analysts estimate the growth in GDP would be 1.5% higher. Sharp cuts in education spending are going to make the situation tougher. Portugal lacks industry, yet at the same time cumulative deficits with the rest of the world are over 130 billion euros after years of cumulative deficits. This highlights the problems facing the euro currency countries with vastly different educational systems, industry structures and economic management....

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The Swedish government is seeing the 3 Baltic countries as part of its own economic region, and is treating them as part of the home region. It plans to do whatever it can to help them. The recapitalization effort for Swedish banks that made a large amount of loans to these countries, is similiar to the one that Sweden conducted for its banks in the 1990's, after a real estate bust. Swedish banks loans to the 3 Baltic countries amount to about 20% of Sweden's GDP. According to Danske Bank the loans could cost Sweden 2 to 6% of its GDP over several years. In 2009 the economies of the Baltic countries could contract 6 to 10%. Already Sweden has approved a rescue package of $173 billion, or 1.5 trillion kronor, to guarantee issues of Swedish bank debt, with some of it used to recapitalize banks with heavy losses. It contributed 1 billion euros to the 7.85 billion euro rescue package for Latvia made by the IMF, and traded $1.1 billion woth of Estonian kroons for Swedish kronor to help stabilize the Estonian currency. Swedbank and Nordea Bank are taking part in the recapitalization, while the SEB Bank of the Wallenberg family has so far managed on its own....

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Collapse of the easten european economies says the Economist would raise questions about the idea of a united Europe, the idea of the EU itself, and destabilize the euro - as countries in the EU like Ireland and Greece are in just as bad a shape. And in talk of enlargement of the EU will be doomed, and this is true of the western Balkans, TUrkey, and some countries int he former Soviet Union. Politically letting these countries derift could mean they fall for populists and nationalists of the bad type. And there is the serious economic consideration for banks in Austria, Italy and Sweden, which are heavily involved in lending to Eastern Europe. They could see catastrophic losses and put the banking systems of these countries at risk. Sweden has already chosen to help the Baltic Countries, and sees it has its political responsibility, and the whole Baltic region as its home, see link. The Economist suggests a differentiated approach depending on which group of countries in Eastern and Central Europe something that Angela Merkel of Germany also supports. For Ukraine the Economist says its best to let the IMF provide assistance. For the Baltic countries, plus Bulgaria, the Economist advocates an accelerated path to the euro, on the grounds that they are tiny and shouln't affect confidence in the euro. The Baltic countries have a population of 7 million. This approach is not supported by the European Commission or the European Central Bank. For the 4 larger countries, Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary, and Romania, the Economist says the priority should be to prevent further currency collapse, and to rescue the banks responsible for the foreign currency loans that are going bad, with the pain being shared between debtors and the banks, governments of lending and borrowing countries. Financial institutions like the ECB, the IMF, and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Developemnt, and the European Investment Bank should help support the rescue effort. ...

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A Flash Eurobarometer poll before French elections in 2017 show 56% of Europeans in the EU saying the euro is a good thing, only 36% saying its not, those saying its good at 64% in Germany, and being 57% in Spain, and 53% in France. Walker of the WSJ says the euro has survived the crises of the last few years, with some but not all the steps taken to avoid a repeat of the problems, and public opinion still favoring the eurozone as it looks forward to economic growth in coming years. The middle class is not attracted to risking its savings in euro denominated assets, costs of the turmoil that might be caused by leaving the euro act as a signal for caution, and in Southern Europe countries remember the days before the euro with devaluations and high inflation. With gradual economic recovery it appears that the euro is still the best option there is. Surveys show three fourths of the French oppose leaving the euro, and experts say the euro is not to blame for France's slow economic recovery- more confidence and political stability with economic renewal are seen as the ways to get France going again. This may be why the national elections in France will likely bring a president who is pro-EU. ...

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The Christian Democrats (CDP) under Angela Merkel received only 23% of the vote in the 2011 Berlin elections. The Free Democrat party (FDP) with 2% of the vote did not reach the 5% threshhold for seats in the Berlin legislature. This was the fifth time the FDP failed to win enough votes to get seats in the regional parliaments. This endangers the CDP-FDP coalition. The FDP campaigned against Merkel's policy of financial support for Greece. The Social Democrats support the euro currency union and issuance of euro bonds, which suggests voters are not choosing parties based on opposition to bailouts of troubled European Union countries. The Social Democrats-Green coalition will have a majority in the state legislature, as the Greens won 18% of the vote. The Pirate party of internet free-speech activists and leftist voters dissatisfied with existing parties were expected to win 9% of the vote, which is a first for regional parliaments for a party of this type. Some of this vote could have increased the Greens vote....

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The IMF's changing views on the value of fiscal austerity. In the current debate about the value of fiscal austerity, there is the IMF view, a German view based on its own experience, and the views of other countries in Europe. The IMF's view has shifted over time. The IMF World Economic Outlook 2010, describes its view of the effects of austerity measures in the form of spending cuts and tax increases- "Fiscal consolidation typically has a contractionary effect on output. A fiscal consolidation equal to 1% of GDP typically reduces GDP by about 0.5% within 2 years and raises the unemployment rate by about 0.3% percentage points." Over the longer term there are benefits as the private sector is not crowded out in the search for captal funding by the excessive government borrowing. The IMF's economic models suggest that it would take 5 years before reaching the breakeven point when the benefits of austerity measures exceed the effects of austerity. The German view held by German central bankers is that the actions stimulate growth in the short term. Manfred Neumann, professor emeritus at the Institute for Economic Policy at the University of Bonn, says this is called the "German hypothesis" as it reflects the experience of Germany from austerity actions taken by Germany. Laurence Ball, professor of Economics at John Hopkins University, is critical of the "German hypothesis" and its application across Europe in different situations. Germany is a large exporting nation and exports helped counterbalance the effects of austerity measures. Within the eurozone with fixed exchange rates the exports of less competitive countries cannot be boosted through devaluing the currency to gain price competitiveness. The other problem is that with interest rates close to zero in the euro zone the central banks cannot cut rates aggressively to counteract the effects of spending cuts. The problem gets compounded when a number of countries are taking austerity measures at the same time accentuating the downturn....

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Rolf Wetzer, a German metal working factory manager reflects feelings widespread in Germany. He says, we work hard and save our money, and he can't see why Germans have to throw money at countries that cannot do the same. There is considerable negative feeling about the bailout of Greece, because it is seen as brought about by the excessive spending, public corruption, and irresponsible accounting that went on in Greece. There is less negative feeling about the bailout of Ireland, as the Irish are seen as an industrious people, and the crisis was brought upon Ireland by Irish banks. Because of the negative feeling it will be much harder for Angela Merkel to go back to the German parliament for more funds, especially as her popularity has suffered. The existing fund will be stretched by the possible bailout of Portugal and Spain. Germany remains committed to the euro, but there is considerable anger about the bailouts. Germany has benefitted from the euro-zone through its exports, which jumped 31% in the last decade. Germany has a $105 billion trade surplus with the rest of Europe. At the same time there is fear that public opinion may turn against the euro. Thomas Mayer, chief economist at Deutsche Bank, says you can already feel it. Frank Schaeffer, a legislator for the Free Democrats, says that whether Germany needs the same currency as its neighbors is something he has doubts about....

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Questions raised by analysts at the Peterson Institute for International Economics and the European Policy Center in Brussels, about the lack of leadership from Chancellor Merkel of Germany and EU leaders in addressing swiftly the crisis facing Greece and countries in southern Europe. Facing voter displeasure in Germany Merkel stalled in the hope of delaying adecision till after a regional election in Germay on May 9. In the process Merkel turned a smaller crisis in Greece into a crisis facing many countries in Europe including Spain, Portugal and Italy, and a crisis for the euro currency. French member of Parliament Juvin, told the French press: "are they waiting for the collapse of the euro?" One sticking point is that the Lisbon Treaty has no provisions for coordinating fiscal policies, and Germany did not insist earlier on oversight of Greek statistics which were generally known to be false since the 1990's. Another French member of the European Parliament, Le Grip, insisted on the need for a new European economic government, and the creation of new institutional responsibilites. The problem lies in the feeling in countries like Germany not to cede sovereignty on economic matters to a European economic body. ...

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Julie Creswell and Graham Bowley look at the history of setting ratings for Greece at Moody's credit rating agency. Greece always had a history of problems with its credit standing including two defaults in its history. In 2004 Greece admitted to providing false statistics to enter the eurozone, saying that it had run deficits for each year since 1997. Before joining the eurozone Greece was assessed an interest rate of 15% on Greek bonds, after joining the eurozone borrowing rates dropped to 5%. Was such a large differential justified purely on the basis of the assumption that the eurozone would back Greece. Moody's held onto its A rating on Greek debt right upto December 2009, two years before the country faced certain default. Pierre Cailletau, Moody's head of sovereign debt ratings till the spring of 2010 admits that Moody's assessment was "mediocre" and that this is a very, very steep fall to see in a ratings- something had gone very, very wrong. The ratings agencies say bankers were selling the idea that the Greek growth story was real. This suggests bankers did not read Greece's financial history of defaults, did not understand the lessons of the recurring Latin American debt crises that countries such as Argentina could only absorb capital upto the point of productive capabilities. And the euro currency founders had left a weak gap - the perception through an implied guarantee that the whole eurozone would ante up the money for the failings of individual countries- into which bankers and Greece's political class rushed in. ...

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Britain's prime minister David Cameron seeks a "better deal" for Britain before the planned referendum on Britain's membership in the union. Changes Britain is seeking are: restrictions on some social welfare benefits for European migrants for 4 years, guarantees that Britain and other countries using a currency other than the euro would not suffer economic discrimination, and more powers for national parliaments to block European laws. A less tangible change is one that relates to the preamble to the Treaty of Rome, signed in 1957, the founding treaty for the bloc, which says: "Ever closer union among the peoples of Europe." This is similiar to the preample to the American Constitution: "We the people of the United States in order to form a more perfect union." The euroskeptic wing of the Conservative Party objects to this term "ever closer union," and Cameron will seek a pledge to change the wording. Yet as experts point out the phrase was put in as a result of British requests from the John Major Conservative government in response to a stronger wording from the Dutch government suggesting a federal Europe. Veteran reporters and negotiators at the Maastricht talks, say it is strange that Britain is now objecting to the words. Stephen Wall, a British historian on Britain's relations with the European Union, and a former senior official in the British government, says Margaret Thatcher and other British prime ministers did not object to this. That this issue comes up now is a result says Wall, of Britain's sense of being on the sidelines, of being on the outside to a close partnership between the French and the Germans, and as a result of being outvoted on issues Britain considers important. The president of the European parliament, Martin Schulz, says the change would require the approval of all 28 EU members, and an alternative is for a declaration that states Britain is not included in the sense of the phrase....

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This Journal editorial says Portugal's focus should be on making the Portuguese economy more competitive, and not merely the fiscal tightening and tax raising policies recommended by the IMF in the past. The focus should be on growth, a freer labor market, creating more efficient firms, and lower costs to compete in the European free trade zone. The euro currency reduced Portugal's borrowing costs in the past, but growth requires a more productive workforce. Only 28% of working age Portuguese have completed high school, showing an alarming lack of investment in education. (See the group on education in Portugal). The Journal also questions the lofty sounding agenda of the Lisbon agenda after the2000 EU summit in Lisbon, as it did not get down to addressing problems in individual countries.

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Valery Giscard d'Estaing known in France as V.G.E. died at the age of 94 from covid complications. He was president of France from 1974 to 1981 and ran for election after De Gaulle and De Gaulle's assistant Pompidou withdrew from politics. He presented himself as the modernizing face of Gaullism and supported most of De Gaulle's initiatives in improving Franco-German relations. He was finance minister and a Gaullist under both De Gaulle and Pompidou for 12 years. He lowered the voting age to 18 and advanced women's rights. One of his major contributions was the EMS or European Monetary System that set the stage for the Euro currency. He strengthened relations between France and Germany. After losing the 1981 election to Francois Mitterand on the left he continued to serve in the European Parliament and drafted a European Constitution that became part of the Treaty of Lisbon. To this day France is governed by a strong presidency after the lessons learned from the failure of political parties to agree and get things done both in the prewar period and the period 1946-1958. De Gaulle pushed through the reforms that made "the state" above the parochial and selfish interests of parties and politicians and embodied this in a directly elected president. From 1958 to 1981 France was governed with this principle in mind, and later presidents from Mr. Sarkozy to Mr. Macron also adopted this idea of "the state" with their movements but with lesser success than Mr. De Gaulle, Pompidou and V.G.E. who as Mr. Macron says "set the directions for France that still guide our steps." ...

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In this interview with Alessandra Galloni of the WSJ following the June 28, 2012 European summit, Monti says Italian spreads with German bonds would be 1200 or something if the Berlusconi government were still in power. Monti later called Berlusconi to say he regretted the extrapolations on spreads mentioned in the intervew that could be seen as banal or abstract. This is taking the phrase out of the context as the comment was made in the context of a question by Galloni asking why Italian spreads were so high even after the actions taken by Monti to improve competitiveness including labor reforms. Monti's answer was that this was because markets are sensing that eurozone governance is weak, that though France has done less reform its spreads are low because people think Germany would never let France go. Monti makes the statement here that the agreement of Europe's political leaders that they would do whatever is necessary to save the euro after the eurozone June 2012 summit, including stabilizing the markets through EFSF/ESM instrument, gives the ECB the political and moral justification to engage in buying Italian and Spanish bonds to stabiize yields at acceptable levels. He just hopes the ECB does not wait till the night before the catastrophe (disintegration of the euro) before it acts, and does this slightly before that time. And his words to Merkel and Germany about the need for ECB interventions to stabilize yields are clearly stated- Merkel risks facing an Italian parliament that rejects Europe and the euro and is not a friend of Germany if the action is not taken.Throughout Monti remains committed to the idea of a economic and monetary union of Europe. To give up on the euro is to give up not just a currency but a civic culture. It is the most forceful statement of any European leader during the eurozone crisis....

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Unilever sales -after excluding acquisitions, disposals and currency effects- were up 7.8% in the 3rd quarter of 2011. Sales in emerging markets were up 13%, and now provide over half of Unilever's business. Unilever achieved these gains through price increases of 5.8% and volume up by 19%. Unilever faces rising costs for oil, palm oil, petrochemicals and plastics. The increase in commoditiy costs added 2.5 billion euros to costs compared to the prior year. To cope with rising costs Unilever is improving packaging, logistics, sourcing and reducing purchasing costs. Unilever's strategy is to selectively increase prices to keep margins from falling.

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Hungary has only 17 billion euros of foreign exchange reserves but has to repay 27 billion euros to foreigners in the next 12 months, accordin to Barclays Capital. Hungary may need help from the IMF or the EU. Most Hungarians borrowed in Us dollars and Swiss francs and now that the currency has lost 21% ofits value just this month repayment is getting harder. As investors withdraw money from emerging markets the value of their currencies is dropping quickly. Even increasing interest rates is not helping as Hungary raised rates from 8.5% to 11.5% but the foriint dropped a further 3% on October 22, 2008. The Ukrainian, Polish and Turkish currencies have all seen a declilne of 20-30% in a few months and this makes debt burdens harder to repay. Hungary, Poland and Turkey all ran up large foreign debt in recent years when credit was easy.

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The writedown on Greece bonds held by large banks in Cyprus of 50% after an EU agreement in Oct 2011, added to the stress on Cyprus banks from the property bubble, and from loans to Greek companies. The central bank and the country's president at the time were not on speaking terms according to reports and the regulatory was extremely weak. The head of Laiki bank was a Greek tycoon and made loans to well connected Greek companies. The property bubble created problems that remained hidden till the large writedown on Greece bonds led to an impossible situation in 2011. Cyprus's economic model of an offshore tax haven, which included laundering of dirty money according to reports, was based on lax banking laws. These very banking laws made regulatory supervision, capital requirements and eurozone wide deposit guarantees, the necessary framework for the euro currency that is now being built, outside the scope of this economic model. Seen from this perspective of setting a sound basis for the euro, the German position that this economic model had to go was a logical move. Something the Cypriot leaders and the bank management entirely failed to anticipate and grasp. These very lax banking laws made it impossible to know the real condition of the banks, and plan for contingencies, right down to the end. ...