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This report in the WSJ on a Gallup study with 87,000 interviews points to Trump supporters being affected more by racial isolation and cultural anxiety, health prospect anxiety,  than merely by being working class or in lower income groups affected by the shift in manufacturing jobs overseas. The report confirms previous observations that these Trump supporters are more likely to be whites without bachelors degrees. The information does'nt show that they face abnormally high degree of economic distress as those who have lost jobs in this recession, as they are shown to be less likely to be unemployed, more likely to be self-employed. The Gallup study does not show areas more adversely impacted by trade competition to have higher support for Trump. This is a critical finding.  An interesting finding is that Trump supporters are more likely to live in areas with higher mortality rates and poorer health outcomes, higher obesity rates, and lower rates of intergenerational mobility. This combines with living in much higher rates of being surrounded by whites, whiter and more racially isolated. The finding is that they have high cultural and economic anxiety from not finding their well being and prospects for children meet expectations. This may also explain the tendency not to be able to reason out possible outcomes based on policies of each candidate, less openness and more inward looking behaviours.   ...

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A Yale scholar's view of the Obama presidency based on what he sees as a presidency struggling for compromise and consensus.

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Chancellor Merkel meets President Trump in a key summit in March 2017. The two leaders have different styles, one flamboyant the other reserved. Chancellor Merkel tells the German media "it is better to talk with each other than about each other." Trump called Merkel's refugee policy "catastrophic," Merkel has said that the Geneva convention requires countries to do this on humanitarian grounds. On trade German's Economy minister Brigitte Zypries says Germany would file a suit on any hike in import duties at the World Trade Organization, that WTO rules restrict import taxes to 2.5% on autos. Germany's BMW plant in the U.S. exports more autos than GM and Ford put together, and Merkel is likely to emphasize large German investment in the U.S.. The heads of BMW and Siemens and other industry executives are accompanying Merkel to the U.S. as trade will be a key topic.

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Neil Irwin of NYT provides some counter intuitive ideas on U.S. Fed interest rate policy. He says it can't be take as a given that the Fed will raise rates in 2017-2018. This depends on how much punch there is in the Trump economic policies for stimulus, and for infrastructure spending, tax cuts. He cites Senate Majority Leader McConnell who said he would like to keep "tax reform revenue neutral." Getting large spending and pushing up the deficit is likely to run up against Republicans in Congress who have for 8 years opposed large spending increases and large deficits. Trump has given few details about his stimulus or infrastructure spending plans. He says the scale of the spending might not match the talk. Irwin cites JP Morgan Chase economists who have kept their forecasts for GDP growth just under 2% for 2017 and 2018. And he points out that even Trump appointees at the Fed might act independently. The Fed might look at being cautious considering that increased trade tensions with China, and the unpredictability of a Trump administration could hurt growth. Irwin does not mention the uncertainty in other areas such as policy towards Russia on which the Republican party and Congress have very different views than Trump, tensions over Taiwan, that can also affect growth. ...

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The situation for the day before the Iowa caucuses on Feb. 1, 2016, with voter turnout playing a key part in the election primary.

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Sarkozy says he has spoken on the phone with Abdel Basset, the head of the main Syrian opposition group, and had found many similiarities between the situation in Syria and the situation in Libya. Former French president Sarkozy took the initiative to help Libya's democracy movement in its struggle against the Gaddafi regime. It was only after Sarkozy's support with French airpower that other western nations joined the effort. It also came at a critical moment in the struggle where a few days could make all the difference in the outcome. French newspapers published remarks from other opposition leaders calling for president Hollande to provide more support to the democracy movement in Syria.

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The Tunisian revollution was middle class, un-Islamic and pro-western. The people in the streets of Cairo are young, connected, non-ideological and pragmatic. They are looking for an end to despotic regimes. This is the way Cohen describes the demonstrators after his visit to Tunis. Egypt's opposition leader El-Baradei tells Cohen's colleagues Kirkpatrick and Slackman that he is pretty sure that an elected government in Egypt woulld be a moderate one. The policies of a community activist from the south side of Chicago, who as US President fails to take a clear stand in favor of freedom from repression and economic freedom for people in the Arab world.

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The eight member panel of experts led by a retired judge gets high marks from the youth movement, and all oppositon parties. All have a good grasp of the legal theory to build a good system of democratic processes with checks and balances and necessary protections. The chief of the panel, Tareq-el-Bishri, is a retired senior judge, and an author of a book titled: "Egypt: Between Disobedience and Decay." Bishri wants to see prosecutions done in civilian courts, and wants a balance of power between government institutions. Members of the Youth Movement say they encouraged military leaders to setup the tasks of writing a new constitution in several steps, the first being rewriting the key articles and holding an up or down referendum. It was felt that a better constitution would emerge once elections were held, and enough time and debate could occur for the new constitution.

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Mark Leibovich gives a detailed account of David Plouffe, one of President Obama's close political advisors, who has Obama's confidence on campaign and political issues. Leibovich says Mr. Obama has always been attracted to people who are loyal and act as fixers. He cites the film "The Godfather" as Obama's favorite movie, and Plouffe as the unyielding cop in a mob film "The Departed." Characteristics of Plouffe described by colleagues are extreme competitiveness, extremely unsentimental, extremely data driven. In a way the President's closest advisors offer clues to the nature of the President's style, approach to politics, and the conduct of the U.S. presidential office during this Presidency, as in others. Plouffe is described by colleagues as most in sync with Mr. Obama. And William Daley, the president's former chief of staff, says the Plouffe and Obama relationship is extremely private- using 6 very's to accent this. Issues relating to the shrinking middle class are coming to the fore in this election. A friend of Plouffe's, Steve Elmendorf, describes him by saying that he isn't sure whether Plouffe has any convictions about the middle class, its mostly a passion for winning and putting together the outfit to do this. For the bigger vision things Plouffe's colleague, David Axelrod, another campaign advisor has put together the themes and lofty phrases that President Obama has supported. The sense given by Mark Leibovich is of some wonderfully good packaging with a steely attitude. ...

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A failed policy of the Obama administration in Syria leads to a situation in which chemical weapons are used by the Assad government without a response from the U.S. or its allies in Europe.

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Krugman says the kind of spending on helping the US economy never happened. That is relative to the size of the US economy, not much happened uder the Obama administration. As evidence, he cites the figures that total government payrolls have declined by 350,000 since January 2009. And he says government purchases of goods and services increased only by 3% in the last 2 years.

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Julia Preston of the NYT looks at Mr. Trump's speech on August 31, 2016 in Pheonix, Arizona, and compares what one can discern about the Trump policies on immigration with that of president Obama. She points out that it is similar to the deportation that was conducted under president Obama in some ways, but is more extensive in its dimensions. It includes sanctioning sanctuary cities, expanding the deportation law enforcement personnel, and deporting about 2 million people with criminal backgrounds. The estimate under the Obama administration is for about 176,000 people with such backgrounds. The Trump estimate appears to include people with minor offenses says Preston, because it is so much higher. As a result this could also include people who have no criminal background and disrupt families on a large scale, with hundreds of thousands of longtime residents and families deported. Under the sanctuary example of Trump, Denver, New York and counties in California would be places where Trump would cut off federal funding. On the wall itself, Mexico's president Nieto says he told Trump Mexico would not pay for the wall, and Trump says exactly the opposite that Mexico would pay for the wall in his speech to supporters.  A Gallup poll shows that 76% of Republicans, 91% of Democrats favor a path to citizenship for those here in the U.S. illegally. For the whole population only 15% oppose giving illegal immigrants a pathway to citizenship and 84% support doing this. Which suggests that Trump is only appealing to his base of support, not adding to it, as Cillizza points out in the WP fact check.   ...

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Porter points out that the Reagan tax cuts did little for the bottom half or one of two Americans, leaving them just where they were before the tax cuts. He cites World Wealth and Income Database data showing they earned $16,371 a year on average in today's dollars in 1980, by 1988 when Reagan left office they made $16,268. The Bush tax cuts in 2001 and 2003 had the same result, with income before tax cuts at $17,827 and when Bush left office at $17,473, accounting for inflation. After factoring in taxes and transfers this was up only 0.4% a year. Under Reagan the top 1% increased income by 6% a year.

The distribution nature of the 2017 tax cuts do not suggest a different outcome from the Reagan and Bush tax cuts as they are designed disproportionately favoring the highest incomes, not even the higher incomes, and leaving the lower incomes practically untouched.