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Gao Xiqing, vice chairman, president of China Investment Corporation, told a panel discussion during meetings of the International Monetary Fund, on September 24, 2011, China cannot be expected to provide solutions to the eurozone debt crisis. Xiqing said: "We're not saviors. We have to save ourselves." He added that CIC would consider buying bonds of troubled eurozone countries -"if it has a risk profile that fits into our allocation, but don't expect us to buy more than our risk appetite would take." And the head of China's central bank, Zhou Xiaochuan, told the panel that China cannot raise its growth rate because of inflation and other problems from unsustainable growth.

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Spain's central bank was lauded for macroprudential supervision before the housing bubble burst. Will China's central bank and financial authorites which have managed the housing bubble upto this point face similiar problems? Can China be the sole exception even as housing bubbles burst with wide repercussions in the U.S., UK and Spain? Nicholas Lardy, of the Peterson Institute of international Economics, says urban housing stock makes up 41% of Chinese household wealth in 2011. The same figure for the U.S. is 26%. Chinese buyers invest in homes because low interest rates on savings accounts cannot keep up with inflation. Real estate investment was 13% of GDP in 2011. Home ownership is a recent development in China, only since 1990, Chinese have never experienced large price declines. Household debt as a percentage of disposable income has increased significantly in recent years, up to 53.6% in 2011 from 31.3% in 2008, according to Lardy.

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The effort to shift China's economc growth away from the rampant overbuilding in housing and industrial capacity of the past to domestic consumption, and focus on meeting the demand for better medical care, quality of food, education and other quality of life products. China's leaders met at the Central Economic Work Conference in Beijing in Dec. 2015 to work out ways to make this shift so that growth rate of 6.5% and other goals can be met. Plans include reducing industrial overcapacity, dealing with overinvestment and unused inventory in housing, reducing financial risks from high corporate debt to GDP ratio approaching 160% estimated by Standard and Poors Ratings Services. By comparison the U.S. debt to GDP ratio is 70%. A steep rise resulted from the huge China stimulus program of 2008-2009, when the ratio was 98% for China. Experts such as Derek Scissors of the American Enterprise Institute are pessimistic about the prospects of successfully implementing reforms, saying reducing industrial overcapacity was a goal of the new Jinping Li-Keqiang leadership in 2013, but not much progress has been made in 2 years....

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Unstable politics and government in Japan as three prime ministers from the DPJ party are followed by Shinzo Abe of the LDP party.

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Bjorn Lomborg of the Copenhagen Consensus Center says about the decision by the Obama adminisration to stop contributing to World Bank financed coal power plants- including one in South Africa- does not take into account the simple fact that 1.2 billion people living in sub-Saharan Africa and Asia have no access to electricity. In the sub-Saharan region of Africa (excluding S. Africa) the entire electricity generating capacity is about 28 gigawatts, or about the same as Arizona with a population of about 9 million compared to 860 million in the region. He says China was able to lift 680 million people out of poverty with urbanization and industry powered by coal. There is no alternative to low cost fossil fuels for the poorer regions of the earth. This is why the International Energy Agency esimates fossil fuel generated energy to remain about the same percentage in 2035 as it is today- 81%. Shale based naural gas can make a difference for air pollution and China is begining to make the shift away from coal- for sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, this goal will take time. ...

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China takes a different approach to the stock market declines on August 24-25, 2015, after the earlier failed interventions in July and early August called into question the transparency and integrity of the financial markets. The main Shanghai index opened 6% lower on August 25, and ended down 7.6%. This time the government let the market find its own level. Li Jiange, vice chairman of state owned investment company Central Huijin, wrote in his blog post that "The trade volume of the market can reach 2 trillion yuan ($300 billion) a day, which means if it collapsed no one could save it...The issues of the market should be handled by the market itself." In July and the early part of August Central Huijin was reported to have intervened to support the market. On Aug. 14, the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC) stated achange in policy to intervene "only when the market changes dramatically and introduces systemic risk." It is important to note that even with the 40% decline in the market index since June 2015 peak, it is still up 35% compared to the prior year....

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Faltering communication by policymakers at the People's Bank of China and officials in Beijing in Jan 2016- the PBOC does not roll over a credit line to China Development Bank for $19.9 billion on Jan. 4, 2015, following a sharp market decline triggering trading halt mechanism it reverses this by injecting the same amount into the fianncial system to assert easing bias. Experts say the communication of signals to financial markets lacks clarity.

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Close to half of the respondents in the 2010 Annual Survey of the American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai, say that they face regulators who show a preference for domestic companies. About 80% of respondents said their operations were profitable in 2010. In 1999, 58% of Shanghai members of the chamber said their profit margins were below worldwide levels. In 2010, 78% said their profit margins matched world levels. Just under half of the respondents said they feared a negative impact from China's effort to build "indigenous innovation" and encourage domestic champions in each industry. 63.1% of respondents say regulations are getting worse or staying the same. Chinese President Hu on a state visit to the US in January 2011 is presenting the idea of a level playing field for American companies.

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Efforts to boost the share of national income that goes to rural households and workers in China. The share of income taken by state owned enteprises and taxes paid by the enterprises would have to change for reducing the gap in incomes and reducing inequality in China.

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About 400 million or one in 4 people people smoke in China. State ownership of the tobacco industry only makes this worse. Enforcement of bans on smoking is lax. Experts warn that this would become a major healthcare problem in China.

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WSJ's Chuin-Wei Yap provides a glimpse of life in Chengdu with the closing of the Panchenggang steel factory. The Chengdu Iron and Steel factory was started in 1958 under Mao's effort at industrialization. The city depended on the huge steel complex for jobs as generation after generation worked at the same factory. The factory was closed in 2015. Mr. Deng is a laid off worker who gets $24,000 in buyout following 26 years at the plant, and 1500 yuan or about $235 month for 2 years of unemployment benefits with required retraining classes. Economic uncertainty is faced by many laid off workers, worrying about children's college education, spouses doing odd jobs, including a pedicab run by Mr. Deng's wife. About 2 million workers in China work in steel factories, with production having reached extremely high level of overcapacity of 800 million tons. With the plant gone, the local hospital Panchenggang District Hospital, is restructured and bought by a private company, 115 doctors and other staff are offered buyouts....

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The documentary "Last Train Home," directed by Lixin Fan, shows the life of migrant workers and their families in China. Fan sporadically spent 3 years with one family, Zhang Changhua and Cheng Suqin, to capture glimpses of this family's life as one of China's 130 million migrant workers. The family left a village in Sichuan province, to work in a factory in Guangzhou, which manufactures denim jeans. For 7 days a week -once working 15 hours a day for 29 days straight- the Zhang family works continuously, just to send money back home to the grandmother who raises 17 year old Qin and another child. The daughter is rebellious as she is resentful of the parent's absence. This is the story of migrant families throughout China, the quiet hidden ordeal, that is behind the cheap products available in western countries. And Fan documents this well with scenes at the railway station, as the family catches the last trains back to Sichuan, for the yearly trip back to the village. There is a whole society in transition, and there are many sides to this story, this is the human one of families caught up in this transition. Lack of farm subsidies and taking over of farmland for building and construction has hurt life in agricultural areas. The Communist party has made dissent difficult. And the imposition of a decades old registration system that denies education and social services to migrant workers from the villages, creates huge strains on family life. Fan says- before the showing of this film at the IFC Center in Greenwich Village- that he hopes to raise questions in the minds of viewers. Does the blame for this go to the government, the factory owners and companies, or the West, something Fan says he is not able to answer. That there is little official opposition to the film- in the same manner that the suicides at Hon Hai, and the factory conditions there and in other factories across China, are being freely reported- suggests that China is coming to terms with the different angles from which to view the economic transition that has taken place over the last two decades. It is also a belated recogniton of the whole range of questions raised by a singleminded policy of manufacturing for western markets, especially when these markets with debt-laden consumers may present huge uncertainty in the future....

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This editorial in the New York Times points out that the new president of the ANC party -that runs South Africa and has a monopoly of power in the post Apartheid years, under Mandela, Mbeki and Zuma- faces a uphill task as the ANC remains deeply divided after supporting Mr. Zuma in office till the very end. Apart from the stagnant economy, there are challenges the ANC faces in the lethargy of the post Apartheid years, and the culture of corruption, and patronage management that led to mismanagement of state enterprises.

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Jimmy Lai is one of the prominent Hong Kong businessmen who have actively spoken up for universal suffrage without screening of candidates by the government, instead of sitting by on the sidelines. He says he is not talking to the student leaders, and it is upto the young generation to take the initiative as it is about their future. At age 12 Lai was smuggled into Hong Kong by parents in Guangdong province in 1960, making him one of the older generation who has lived through the many changes in Hong Kong- from the British period, through the years of turmoil on the mainland in the seventies, the transition period and transfer to China under the Basic Law. He worked in factories instead of going to school, and later started his own clothing chain Giordano, followed by a move into media publishing. He is the publisher of the Apple daily and Next magazine publications which support the pro-democracy student movement. Lai says the roots of student protest are in the May Fourth Movement of 1919, a cherished part of Chinese history because it led to the awakening of China, sparked the interest in breaking away from the past leading to modernization, lasting for 2 decades till the Japanese invasion and Communist control. Lai says the protest movement is more mature than the movement in China at Tiananmen in June 1989. Another factor that makes this different is that the protest in Hong Kong does not chart out an indefinite future for China just when it is embarking on the path to modernization, the situation facing a cautious Deng in 1989 who experienced the chaos of the sixties and seventies. The movement in Hong Kong is about reinstating what is felt to be in the spirit of the Basic Law- universal suffrage in its true spirit and intent without prescreening candidates for 2017- it is a limited objective and does not risk the modernization drive, more likely to enhance it by keeping dialogue with the outside world open as China looks for new ideas to tackle many prblems left behind from the industrialization period of 1990-2014. ...