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The WSJ editorial points to the danger of the EU assuming the debts of Ireland, Greece and other countries in financial crisis. A better solution it points out is the restructuring of the debts of Ireland and Greece. Ireland made a serious mistake in guaranteeing all the debts of Ireland's banks, an open-ended guarantee to its banks. At this point the German move for a bailout is intended to help German and other banks holding Irish debt. But the EU cannot provide a similiar guarantee as Ireland has for all euro-sovereign debt. A better solution is a haircut for lenders. The euro currency it argues is a currency union, not a debt union, and the euro-zone cannot assume the debt of all its members, nor was the treaty that created it designed with that purpose in mind. The sooner the EU does this, the better for the euro and for the euro-zone.

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A bailout of Ireland with $136 billion bailout planned by the European Union. Fear of contagion effects on Greece, Portugal and Spain. Pressure on Ireland to accept the bailout for its banks.

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The Europeans led by France and Germany demand stricter regulation and a financial regulatory system that oversees the entire financial system, and oversees all the larger countries. The US in contrast wants to see a lighter regulatory system, and lighter regulation of parts of the financial system like hedge funds. For the USA where the crisis originated, the emphasis is on larger stimulus spending. For the Europeans which have a larger safety net that they would like to see considered as part of their stimulus- and their social arrangement such as reduced hours in Germany to avoid layoffs, and the presence of a large public sector in France that is about 52% of GDP- the situation as they see it does not require breaking the EU's committment to control large deficits. The cultural and historical roots are also different. Germany was hit by hyperinflation in the period between the two wars, and there is thought there that this helped the rise of demagogic leaders and the collapse of democracy there. At that time the issue was war reparations that Germany found difficult to absorb in an economy devastated by the first war, which strained German finances. France and Germany also have no foreclosure crisis, and car sales and consumer spending are not in the deep decline that is seen in the USA. In fact car sales have increased in the two countries with the refunds for scrapping old vehicles, with no such plan in place in the USA. Making there is a credible position on the European side. Germany does see itself hit by the collapse in international trade. Germany and France face the prospect of helping their banking systems deal with the large bad loan situation facing them in Eastern Europe. At the same time Germany and France want to save some firepower for coming to the aid of key parts of the European community like Spain, Greece, and Ireland, which are facing a worsening crisis. In short both sides have credible positions, and some form of accomodation as events unfold may be a better desired outcome than some unified outcome. And little has been said of the position of the other countries in the G20, the emerging countries like Brazil, India, China, Russia, Indonesia, Argentina and others, and the position of the World Bank speaking for the poorest countries. These countries may favor stronger stimulus, and would favor the stricter regulation and supervision of global financial systems favored by the Europeans. This is because they may rightly feel that the messups in the global financial system have stolen their chance, at just the point where they were turning the corner in their efforts at bringing better standards of living to their peoples....

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The reason for contagion effects from the crisis in Ireland are the sizable exposure of UK and German banks, according to BIS. The UK banks have $222 billion in exposure to Ireland, followed by German banks which have $206 billion in exposure, and the US banks which have $114 billion in exposure. One British bank alone, RBS, has exposure of 54.4 billion pounds.

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Spain's finance minister, Elena Salgado, says the state backed Fund for Orderly Bank Restructuring, will acquire direct equity stakes in the Cajas, Spain's regional banks, for upto 5 years. The Bank of Spain's preliminary estimates of the capital needs of the banking sector are below 20 billion euros, according to Salgado. The Spanish government will raise the Tier 1 capital requirements for all banks to 8% and will inject capital into lenders that do not meet the new requirements. The moves are designed to reassure investors who lack information about the true financial condition of the cajas.

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Ireland owes $139 billion to German banks and $132 billion to British banks according to the Bank for International Settlements in Basel, Switzerland. German officials said in Berlin that Deutsche Bank was especially exposed to Ireland. But Deutsche Bank does not say that, it insists the money at risk is $400 million euros, calculated after the use of derivatives to hedge risk. Total gross exposure is not revealed by Deutsche Bank. This makes investors more nervous and promotes the spread of contagion to Greece and Portugal.

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Simon Johnson reminds readers that in October 2008, Johnson, Peter Boone, and James Kwak, suggested that some European countries had given taxpayer-backed pledges to banks that had liabilities larger than their own gross domestic products. Their proposal included creation of a European Stability Fund with at least 2 trillion euros of credit lines guaranteed by all member nations, as well as Switzerland, Sweden, and the U.K., to buy time dealing with underlying insolvency in Ireland and other countries. Simon Johnson, is former chief economist of the IMF. He says the euro-zone only belatedly acted on this advice and the politicians never took responsibility for what they allowed to happen. The runaway financial globalization he says, was allowed to happen by US Treasury officials, but European banks were seriously involved in similar behaviour. These banks became too large relative to their economies, captured their regulators and acted recklessly. Europe's leaders haven't fully faced up to this and keep telling their voters that the problem is entirely because of US banks irresponsible behaviour. Ireland was the extreme example of this. And Johnson provides readers with the names of two books on the subject. David Lynch has "When the Luck of the Irish Ran Out," Fintan O'Toole has "Ship of Fools: How Stupidity and Corruption Killed the Celtic Tiger." Both laying out the intermingling of politicians, bankers and real-estate developers that resulted in the reckless growth and collapse of Ireland. In his own account in Atlantic magazine, May 2009, Johnson compared the US economc boom-bust-bailout cycle to what happened to Argentina, Russia and Indonesia. These were emerging middle class countries with crony capitalism, unsustainable debt and other problems. Johnson says, don't think these problems are limited to emerging markets. Its a global or general occurrence in which powerful people get together to build an economic model that brings growth based on debt. Under public pressure the German government keeps saying there must be burden sharing, that creditors must take losses also. Johnson says Angela Merkel and her colleagues have not thought through what signal this sends to the markets- which is to tell people to get out of Irish banks now. And the big German banks are telling the government they face big losses if Ireland or other European countries default. If the ECB can't pay, and the German taxpayer won't pay, Johnson asks, does the IMF have the resources to tackle Spain? If China offers to recapitalize the IMF with some of its $2.6 trillon in reserves, and becomes the largest shareholder, would the IMF headquarters be moved to Beijing as the Articles of Agreement require for the largest shareholder. ...

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The remarkable recovery in Iceland after devaluation of the currency and a whole range of steps taken by the government to support those affected hardest by the recession. A recovery in exports and letting banks fail- not letting the burden fall on the government and taxpayers as in Ireland- also helped ease the path to recovery. Iceland is making repayments to the IMF ahead of schedule and is able to borrow on international markets.

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Timothy Egan vists the west coast of Ireland, near Dingle, where David Lean filmed "Ryan's Daughter," and sees abandoned half-finished houses. One in eight houses in Ireland sits empty he says, as the excesses of the boom years now are there for all to see.

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The steps taken at a meeting of Europe's leaders in March 2011. The European Financial Stability Facility will be allowed to disburse its entire 440 billion euros if needed, and it will be allowed to buy bonds in government auctions but not on the secondary market. Interest rates were reduced on loans to Greece and repayment terms were extended. But this fund can only buy bonds of countries receiving bailout money, which means Portugal will not see a decline in its interest rates for benchmark government bonds. Interest rates on Portuguese 10 year bonds remained high at 7.4%. Greek bonds saw a lowering of interest rates, but Ireland saw no change. What is needed now is a plan that will bring interest rates down for these countries, say analysts. And they say the plan agreed on by EU leaders fall short. If interest rates do not go down for these countries the debt keeps piling up, especially when austerity measures lower the economic growth rates of Greece and Portugal. Both Greece and Portugal do not have a competitive export industry, which places the burden entirely on austerity measures and revenue raising steps. The perverse scenario analysts fear is that debt continues to grow because of high interest rates at low or declining growth rates. While some relief was offered to Greece the situation is still precarious, and analysts estimate Greece's debt increasing to 160% of GDP from 127 % of GDP by 2013....

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Spain opened the books for regional governments to reassure investors. The figures show the average deficit across 17 regions at 1.24% of GDP at the end of the third quarter, according to the Finance Ministry. Risks include additional spending items in the final quarter and a further drop in tax revenues. Fore several years before the current crisis even when the central government was running a surplus, Spain's local and regional governments ran deficits. Regional governments account for about half of all public spending in Spain, compared to 20% for the central government, with social security accounting for the rest. Catalonia was forced to raise money through patriotic bonds, and Valencia is also following this, as Spain's regional governments have been shut out of international credit markets. Moody's Investor's Service provides a different perspective, as it said in November 2010 that Spain's regions will find it "very challenging" to meet their budget targets for this year and next. Moody's view is that the central government has strong incentives to come to the aid of regional governments should they be shut out of credit markets for an extended period. The Zapatero administration lacks a majority in Congress and depends on regional parties for support. Madrid's municipal government has requested funds to refinance its 7.2 billion euros debt. About 4 billion euros went into putting the capital city's ring road underground. Regional government's will need to refinance 30 billion euros in debt in 2011....

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Bank of Spain Gov. Miguel Angel Fernandez Ordonez said Spain finds itself in an "exceptional situation," as it goes "back into recession," and only exports acting to contribute to gains in GDP.