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The share of new mortgage loans backed by the US government through Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac is at 92%. This makes the fast overhaul of the two agencies much more difficult. Treasury Secretary Geithner said last week that overhaul of the two agencies could take 5 to 7 years. The problems with Fannie and Freddie are real. The U.S. government subsidizes mortgages through Fannie and Freddie, encouraging Americans to take on more debt. Their balance sheets pose serious risks in another crisis, as long term investments are financed with short term borrowing. Any losses will be the responsibility of the US government. A recent paper from the US Treasury outlined some of the steps needed to wind down both agencies and to reform the way they operated including- requiring larger down payments and lowering loan limits, and increasing the fees charged for the government's guarantees to be more in line with the risk being taken. Slower reform in this area means additional systemic risks in the event of another crisis....

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Krugman says the the higher population growth in Texas has led to higher job growth there relative to the rest of the country. Other factors mitigating the effects of the recession in Texas- the housing and mortgage lending laws in Texas prevented the building up of home equity debt and foreclosures that hit other states, and the oil industry in Texas helped with higher oil prices. Lower wages in Texas, lower living costs, and lower housing costs have attracted jobs to the state. In June 2011, the Texas unemployment rate was 8.2%, lower than California and close to that of New York.

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The $350 billon in proposed cuts to Medicare and Medicaid in the 2011 deficit reduction talks will do little to reduce the rapid rise in medical costs. Instead it shifts the costs to seniors, state governments and public hospitals. Gail Wilensky, former head of Medicare under the first President Bush and now a senior fellow at Project Hope, says this should not be confused with real reform to Medicare which reduces the rapid increase in costs. It does little in the way of fundamental changes that would reduce the growth in costs. About $53 billion comes from reductions to senior's ability to buy extra Medicare supplemental insurance or Medigap. Another $14-26 billion would have the government reduce payments to hospitals for unpaid debt. The few items to curtail fraud in the use of CT scans or purchase of power wheelchairs would provide savings of $2-3 billion over 10 years. $4 billion comes from lowering Medicaid payments to hospitals treating a high percentage of low income patients, hospitals such as Cook County Hospital in Chicago, San Francisco General Hospital, and Parkland Hospital in Dallas....

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The Washington Post survey of 1200 readers on how the Republican healthcare plan of Speaker Ryan and the House of Representatives looks to them, how it affects them in their lives. Here Somasekhar of the Post gives the stories of 5 Americans. Some see the prospect of losing their insurance under the Republican plan even as they reach an older age, others a smaller segment says the Post, whose premiums jumped under the Affordable Care Act say they faced high premiums and high deductibles. The Post says the large majority of opinions have expressed anxiety over the proposed Republican Ryan House plan for healthcare. One of them is an uninsured poor farmer, Mr. Woosley,  income about $18000 who gained benefit from expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act,  one Mr. Smith, 32 years, a personal injury attorney who faces paying $10,000 if he did not take insurance and $10,000 if he took insurance because of high premiums so a wash either way deciding to do without it, one a tech worker Mrs. Powers, 62 years, income $22,000 on year and $4000 the next, from middle class during the tech boom but facing fewer opportunities and uncertain income from part time work, hit by the deep recession facing fewer opportunities as she gets older and now the prospect of losing insurance without government subsidies, one who is from the middle class who sees little benefit from the Affordable Care Act and is forgoing insurance because of the high premiums yet faces a penalty for not being insured under the ACA, another Mr. Blanchard, 52 years, is from the middle class, a computer programmer who lost his job in downsizing, earns $100,000 as a consultant self-employed, pays $767 in premium a month and relies on the Affordable Care Act which helps him gain freedom from working at a company that could downsize,  another is a middle class programmer Mr Riffle,age 44, and his wife, who does not qualify for a subsidy with a $71,000 family salary from working 4 jobs between himself and his wife- this person finds it too expensive for his salary to buy insurance $900 a month and $14,000 deductible under the Affordable Care Act. His views are worth listening to as they go to the crux of the problem- he says he may not be any better with the Republican plan. He sees the real problem as the high cost of health care in the U.S. and the only way this can be fixed is for members of Congress to be asked to use the insurance exchanges they create. If this sample is representative it shows that there are real problems with both the Affordable Care Act and the Republican plan, that the high cost of health care the problem lurking behind every plan that does not squarely address this, and till that happens and members of Congress experience what ordinary people face, this problem can never by fully solved.   Woosley, Smith, Powers, Blanchard, Riffle, and their personal experience is at the crux of what is right and wrong  with the Affordable Care Act, and also with the new Republican plan of Speaker Ryan and the House of Representatives. For every Woosley, Powers and Blanchard who benefit, there is a Smith and a Riffle who are indifferent or are affected by the high cost under Affordable Care Act and the current system of medical care with its high cost. The Affordable Care Act does not  tackle high cost, for that to happen the culture in America that makes it possible and acceptable to charge high prices must change. Another problem apart from bringing health care costs is that any solution needs to have the whole country behind it. If the notion that all people are entitled to basic health care is to stand, the whole country needs to believe it as they do in countries like France, Britain, Germany and Japan. If this has to be made a workable proposition health care has to be offered at a price that makes this possible to achieve, and that idea also needs the deep and broad sense of support from the culture in America similar to that in these other countries. Until that happens politicians in America will get elected and turned out of office in turns on issues such as health care, based on which side they take and which problems they choose not to face squarely and responsibly. ...

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The success of India's Mangalayan mission to send a spacecraft to Mars in 2014. The project's key achievement is to have accomplished this at a cost of only $74 million. By contrast a U.S. mission cost $671 million. A 33 pound payload of small sensors in a 3000 pound spacecraft was propelled into orbit by a small rocket.

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Erskine Bowles, a former chief of staff under President Clinton, and Alan Simpson, former senator from Wyoming, say the U.S. Supercommittee members should remember that their personal priorities and the common good are not at odds. The authors of the Bowles-Simpson Presidents Commission for deficit reduction say there is growing discontent among voters with politicians who are obsessed with gaining partisan advantage. Using issues of national importance that require a common approach from all parties as a way to score political points will only backfire on these politicians. Personal priorities of members of Congress are now no longer at odds with the common good, they are converging. It is upto the Congress, members of both parties, to push back against the special interests and partisan politics, and show leadership on the deficit. The eurozone crisis has shown the dire consequences of any sluggishness or procrastination. The failure of the political class and leadership in Italy and Greece, and in other nations of the EU, has put the fate of these countries in the hands of markets, which have relentlessly pushed up the borrowing rates of Greece, Italy, Spain and other countries, and taken future direction out of the hands of politicians. Erskine and Bowles say don't wait for a fiscal crisis to take action because it will be disastrous economically and politically, with everyone as losers and no winners. Timidity is not an option, leadership is required to take action that is big and broad, tackling tax expenditures, entitlement expenditures, defense, across the board....

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Landon Thomas Jr. looks at the situation in Spain and finds it hard not to conclude that austerity policies are not working in the absence of economic growth, and increasing unemployment. Unemployment in Spain is at 24% and growing. Deficit reduction is likely to take longer with the deteriorating economic outlook. Spain's economy minister, Luis de Guindos has announced Spain plans to increase consumer taxes in 2013, including the VAT, which is currently at 18%. This would further depress consumer spending. Bondholders sense dangers from lack of economic growth and competitiveness, as much as they sense dangers from uncontrolled regional spending. As a result investors are leaving Spain. According to analysts at Credit Agricole Cheuvreux in Madrid, 100 billion euros (132 billion) have left Spain, including distress sales- coming from insurance companies, pension and sovereign wealth funds reducing holdings of Spanish bonds.

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Dionne cites comments by Bowles and Simpson saying the Paul Ryan U.S. budget proposal falls short of a serious bipartisan effort for deficit reduction for a number of reasons. The reasons cited by Bowles and Simpson are: The proposal exempts defense spending from reductions, does not apply savings from tax expenditures to deficit reduction, relies on much larger reductions in domestic discretionary spending than the Bowles-Simpson deficit reduction plan, and at the same time making reductions in safety-net programs that could in their words "place a disproportionately adverse effect on certain disadvantaged populations." This should give moderates in this debate time for pause and reflection says Dionne.

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Baer describes the role played by Jeb Bush at Lehman, the sensitive moments when Lehman was near collapse and Lehman executives suggested Dick Fuld, the CEO, should talk to his brother George W Bush, the U.S. president. According to Baer this call was never made because of the odd position it would place the two brothers in. Jeb Bush made a trip to Mexico City to meet Carlos Slim, a telecom billionaire, seeking investment prior to Lehman's collapse. Bush was paid $1.3 million annually for his work at Lehman, and after Lehman was acquired by Barclay's bank $2 million annually. Bush worked under Steve Lessing, a key fund raiser for his brother George W. Bush, at Lehman and Barclay's. The work involved talking to clients including healthcare companies Cigna, insurance company MetLife, and other clients. About half of Bush's time was spent working at the bank as an adviser, not an employee. The only other candidate for president in 2016 who worked at Wall Street, Ohio governor John Kasich, also worked at Lehman from 2001 to 2008. Kasich was reportedly paid $182,000 and a bonus of $432,000 as managing director at the investment banking division, less than Jeb Bush but working full time. When Jeb Bush graduated from the University of Texas in 1974 he worked at Texas Commerce Bank, founded by James Baker III, a close friend of his father George H.W. Bush. He worked there from 1974 to 1980, in the international division looking at country risks in Latin America. Both Jeb Bush and Kasich face the prospect of facing difficult questions about their time at Lehman Brothers, because of the 2008 financial crisis and aggressive leveraged expansion at the bank leading to its collapse....

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Zweig points out that P/E multiples fall quickly in the midst of higher uncertainty. Benjamin Graham's "cyclically adjusted" P/E refined by Yale economist Robert Shiller smooths out the top and bottoms of the market by averaging the past 10 years of earnings and incorporating effects of inflation. This "cyclically adjusted" P/E for the U.S. market for the last 50 years is 19.5. The P/E for the market when the S&P 500 was at 1325 in late July 2011 was 22.9, and at the low in the first week of August 2011 of 1167 was 20.2. With the higher uncertainty- as for instance Bank of New York Mellon charging clients to hold cash- the P/E multiples are in a different territory. The P/E dropped to 13.3 in March 2009 after the financial crisis of 2008. Larger macroeconomic trends and uncertainty may have yet to play out and not registered fully in the market indexes. Jack Hough throws light on this from a different angle in the Wall Street Journal, August 5, 2011 comparing stagnant wages and its relationship with corporate earnings....

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Krugman questions whether the assumptions behind the austerity policies are true- that they would inspire confidence in economic recovery, or that in the absence of austerity policies borrowing costs would go through the roof. The recent events in Holland with the collapse of the government in the Netherlands- when a party leader supporting the government said he did not want to hurt pensioners in the Netherlands just to satisfy German opinion- and the mood in France with economic anxiety vote going to Marie Le Pen and Francois Hollande in the first round of presidential elections, shows that very little confidence has been created. High unemployment and economic anxiety are leading to a reappraisal of austerity cuts that depress the economy and reduce tax revenues, but Krugman says no changes are taking place to correct these policies. This is true for Spain with its high unemployment, and Britain which now has two quarters of negative growth.

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Michigan's Governor Snyder says "thats not our path," for the way Wisconsin Governor Walker decided to change the laws for public workers collective bargaining rights.

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Unemployment in Spain edges up to 23.6% with 4.75 million unemployed in March 2012.