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Lack of meaningful reform of credit rating agencies by 2014, 6 years after the 2008 financial crisis.

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This WSJ editorial says the U.S. Federal Reserve needs a chairman who is politically independent, especially since the Fed has not been politically independent since 2008. It calls Ben Bernanke a political sidekick of Timothy Geithner at Treasury since 2008. A Summers Fed would have become too much influenced by the White House, which would not serve the country well, as new policies will be needed to wind down the loose monetary and fiscal policies, says the editorial.

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Morgenson says that the lobbying by the financial inudstry to weaken reform efforts for derivatives trading and resisting other reforms will only lead to taxpayers paying for more rescues later on.

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Efforts by banks to bring their operations in line with regulator requirements. The Citigroup bank much smaller than at the time of the financial crisis, with its "living will" approved by the U.S. Federal Reserve in April 2016.

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The influence of business executives who helped shape president Trump's views on Mexico, China, Export Import Bank, and other issues is covered by Stokols and Bender of WSJ. On Mexico the departure of Mike Flynn helped moderate views, Wilbur Ross, the Commerce Secretary also provided a moderating influence. The plans are now to change NAFTA but not entirely redo the agreement. On the Export Import Bank the views of Boeing CEO Muilenburg, who explained to Trump why the Bank supported U.S. exports and how other countries had similar banks, led to the president filling the bank vacancies. On China the influence of NEC head, Gary Cohn, former president of Goldman Sachs, and other business executives, led to a less confrontational position. The president once called NATO obsolete during the campaign but he met this week with NATO secretary general Stoltenberg this week and expressed strong support for NATO after rising tensions with Russia.

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Gretchen Morgenson describes the issues of regulatory capture for Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner during the 2008 financial crisis and the first term of the Obama administration, which affected how Geithner treated homeowners and banks. Morgenson describes close ties to Citicorp.

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Tim Pawlenty, former Republican governor of Minnesota, and co-chair of the Romney campaign, becomes the head of the lobbying organization for U.S. banks, Financial Services Roundtable. He succeeds Steve Bartlett. During his brief presidential run in 2012, Pawlenty raised $5 million in donations from banks. Sorkin talks to Bartlett about the appointment and Pawlenty's criticism of banks during the bailout. Bartlett says that in Washington what you say and think depends on the position you are in.

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With the passage of debt ceiling legislation the focus turns to the super-committee that will have to come up with $1.2 trillion in savings for deficit reduction. Six Republicans and six Democrats will be selected in the next 2 weeks and are required to come up with proposals by November 23, 2011.

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Federal Reserve proposals in Dec 2011 for large U.S. banks leave capital cushions at 5% of assets. This phases in the higher 7% of assets rule for capital reserves and a surcharge of upto 2.5% based on bank risk levels under new Basel III regulations for implementation in 2016.

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Indifference on the Republican side, and a sense that not much is going to get done on the Democratic side, as President Obama pitches a $447 billion second stimulus plan in a speech to both houses of the U.S. Congress on September 8, 2011. Dana Milbank documents the attitudes and skepticism with which members of Congress received the proposals- a general sense that President Obama was too weak and ineffective to get things done and has lost credibility. John Taylor, senior economic advisor on the Republican side pointed out in a Wall Street Journal column a few days before the speech, that the jobs proposals Obama and economic advisor Alan Krueger were presenting were similiar to old plans that have not produced results. Taylor viewed them as placing too much reliance on government and not enough on the private sector to generate economic growth and jobs.

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Alan Simpson of the Bowles-Simpson Commission describes the task the super-committee faces in coming up with $1.2 trillion in savings for deficit reduction under the recently passed legislation.

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Deborah Solomon interviews Abby Cohen of Goldman Sachs. Cohen is asked about bank bonuses and compensation, about the role of the banks in the financial meltdown, and whether she and Goldman Sachs felt any responsibility for the economic crisis.

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Asset reports of Fed governors and candidates for Fed chairman show Ben Bernanke and Daniel Tarullo at the low end of $1-$3 million, Stein, Duke and Yellen at $5-$12 million in the middle, and at the high end are Summers $8-$31 million, and Powell between $17-$40 million.

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The Project on Government Oversight, a nonprofit group, (POGO), put out its report in Feb 2013 on the performance of the S.E.C. in enforcement actions. The report is critical of the revolving door whereby the same lawyers who worked at large banks and financial corporations later join the enforcement agency for short periods, only to rejoin the financial companies after their work at the S.E.C. This weakens the enforcement at the S.E.C. Robert Khuzami worked at Deutsche Bank during the period when some of the problems resulting in charges against Deutsche Bank being filed happened. He was the chief of enforcement at the S.E. C. during a critical period following the 2008 financial crisis, and supported action that let companies "neither admit or deny" in legal settlements. This practice reduced the deterrent effect of enforcement actions to protect the public.

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Bowles and Simpson call for deficit savings along the lines they suggested as co-chairmen of the President's Deficit Commission- reducing the cost increases in Medicare, changes to Social Security, and cutting tax expenditures.

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Stephen Friedman's positions at Goldman Sachs and the New York Federal Reserve.