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John Taylor looks one step ahead of the March 2012 Greece bailout and sets up the most plausible scenario for the future. He says the risks of contagion were always exaggerated from the beginning- a planned default or restructuring of debt such as happened in Argentina in 2001, does not have the contagion risks associated with a chaotic and unplanned default as in Russia in 1998. Predicability in policy makes a huge difference, says Taylor. The European banks which stood to lose from writedowns exaggerated the fears of contagion- a process that always occurs for people who are adversely affected by writedowns- resulting in top officials in the European Union delaying the unavoidable serious restructuring. It was not until Chancellor Merkel handed Charles Dallara, who negotiated for the European banks, a note stating a demand for 50% bondholder writedown, on October 27, 2011, at EU headquarters in Brussels, did any serious writedown of debt begin. Merkel told Dallara: "this is my last offer." The July 2011 summit by contrast had only a 10% bondholder writedown in the agreement, when insolvency not illiquidity was the real issue. Walker Forelle and Meichtry, give a detailed account of what happened in the Wall Street Journal, Dec. 30, 2011. The important thing for Greece, says Taylor, is for what the IMF calls "growth enhancing structural reforms" - greater reliance on private markets, incentives, rule of law. He says this bailout won't work because IMF growth forecasts do not reflect the rapid shrinking of the Greek economy. Antonis Samaras, leader of the major opposition party, is in favor of pro-growth measures and has stated his desire to change the agreement. The 130 billion euro bailout provides 90 billion euros for recapitalizing Greece's banks, and financing the budget. This puts Greece in a situation where the political leaders win voter support by discarding the conditions from the Northern EU nations and come with a plan that is better suited for Greece. The EU in this scenario would cut off further bailout funds to Greece. Taylor sees this as the better outcome for Greece than the current situation, which leaves Greece no hope for growth, and also for the EU by getting out of bailouts that have little prospect of working. It would be difficult but doable for Greece says Taylor, because interest payments would be low and Greek banks would be recapitalized after the current March 2012 bailout. ...

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This Wall Street Journal editorial comes out in favor of higher capital reserve requirements similiar to that suggested by Federal Reserve Board governor Daniel Tarullo. The Journal says that if regulators are serious in the U.S. about controlling systemic risk, then the 14% rule or a 15% rule for assets held in reserve by banks should be adopted. Daniel Tarullo had suggested a 14% capital reserve requirement. These requirements would be phased in gradually over several years. Basel III requirements require only a 7% requirement and is phased in over many years. Capital standards are likely to be gamed. For this reason the requirement for only Tier 1 capital to be eligible is essential. What about the Basel III standards and the European banks? Would this put them in a better position to earn higher returns. This should be a problem left for European taxpayers to tackle says the Journal. As long as U.S. taxpayers are supporting U.S. banks with an implicit subsidy to take on larger amounts of risk -because they will be saved in a crisis with taxpayer dollars- the Journal says it makes sense to require 10-14% in capital reserves. It cites the Japanese banks which were highly overleveraged with lower capital reserves compared to American banks, and fared poorly. The Dodd-Frank bill imposes a complicated set of regulatory requirements with regulators required to write new sets of rules. The editorial concludes that it is far better to tackle the problems in the banking system with a sufficiently high requirement for capital reserves to manage risks than to have the detailed rule making on every subject that Dodd-Frank suggests....

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The logjam continues between the French and German banks- represented by the Institute of International Finance and its negotiator Charles Dallara- and the governments of Germany and Greece, supported by the IMF. The position of the Greek government is that the interest rate on new bonds stretching out over a long time period that woud be exchanged at 50% face value of existing bonds should be set at rates well below 4%, because Greece faces a growing deficit and rapidly worsening economy. The German government which is faced with the prospect of providing additional funds to Greece supports this. The IIF position is for an interest rate of between 4-5%.

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Bloomberg Business Week's Matthew Winkler interviews Greece's prime minister George Papandreou.

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Resistance within Angela Merkel's coalition government to enlarging the funding for the European Financial Stability Facility. Resistance comes from the FDP's Economy minister, Phillip Rosler, and from Horst Seehofer, the Bavarian state premier and head of the Christian Social Union.

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The IMF's latest economic report says there is a very real risk that Greece's debt crisis could spread. "Contagion to the euro area, and then onwards to emerging Europe, remains a tangible downside risk," the report says. Sentiment in the financial markets is for Greece restructuring its debt, possibly as soon as late 2011. Increasingly the concern focusses on Greece never being able to pay back the $464 billion in debt, as a result pushing losses onto bondholders and banks in Europe. The IMF's director for Western hemisphere, Nicolas Eyzaguirre, said Latin America is in danger of going into a full blown economic crisis if the situation is not managed correctly with overheating in their economies. Speaking at a conference of central bankers in Rio de Janeiro, he said the Latin American region could see major weakness in currencies with an external shock such as drop in commodities prices or increase in U.S. interest rates. He said Brazil "should rein in the economy through an array of measures to avoid excessive exuberance, or it could end in tears."...

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With high unemployment at 11% in France, only 41% of the people in a Pew Research Center poll gave favorable impressions about the European Union. This is down from 60% in 2012. In Germany 60% of those polled gave a favorable impression of the EU in 2013. The number remained steady in Britain at about 43%.

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Antonis Samaras visits Bavaria and meets with Christian Social Union leader Horst Seehofer, who offers his support to Greece's recovery efforts and plans a return visit to Greece. After the meeting, Seehofer said "today, we've turned over a new leaf," and Samaras said "I've received a lot of appreciation for our efforts."

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Mario Monti, Italy's prime minister, tells Alessandra Galloni of the WSJ, "Germany will never let France go." French economist Sorman says Americans do not realize that the EU and the Euro were created for political, not economic reasons, and the idea was to bring peace to Europe and especially between France and Germany. He sees the EU countries staying through this crisis together, and France emerging more competitive from this experience.

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E.U. leaders reached a new agreement for solving the debt crisis in Greece and the broader eurozone debt crisis. This time an effort was made to come up with a solution that had some chance of working unlike earlier efforts. Earlier efforts that concentrated on austerity and burdened Greece and other countries in the debt crisis with higher interest rates came under severe criticism as unworkable. The result was higher unemployment, a shrinking economy, higher debt to GDP ratios, and contagion effects. The new plan commits to getting Greece on the path to growth. The European Financial Stability Facility will have powers to buy Greek bonds at their value in the secondary markets which means Greece would owe less to the EFSF, bringing down Greek debt. Greek debt maturities are to be extended over many years and interest rates lowered, with similiar actions for Portugal and Ireland. And private bondholders were given the option of taking 20% less on their bonds or extending the maturities of the bonds at lower interest rates. In return the bonds would have guarantees for repayment by the E.U. so that the private creditors would limit their losses. The draft document of the agreement says all the E.U. countries would commit to fiscal discipline....