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Speaker Paul Ryan's effort to fix what he calls "a House that is broken," as he becomes the new Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives in Oct. 2015.

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The tense atmosphere in the talks between the Obama White House and Congressional leaders to achieve deficit reduction and raise the U.S. debt ceiling.

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Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell offered a way out of the stalemate in talks between the Obama White House and Republican leaders Boehner and Cantor. McConnell's proposal designed to meet the August 2nd 2011 deadlinefor raising the U.S. debt limit is to give the President new authority to raise the federal debt limit. It would place the entire responsibility for raising the debt limit on the President. Under this proposal Republicans would not have to vote to raise the debt limit. Republicans can then shift the effort for large spending cuts to the congressional appropriations process.

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Krauthammer says he favors the Boehner Plan because the two stage debt ceiling hike will give time for negotiations and public scrutiny of plans for entitlement and tax reforms. He is critical of the Reid Plan because more than half of the $2 trillion deficit reduction under the plan comes from not continuing surge spending in Iraq and Afghanistan for the next 10 years, which he calls outrageous and fictional savings. The lack of Obama's own plan even after setting up and receiving the report of the Bowles-Simpson deficit commission is a sore point for him and other observers, demonstrating a stark failure to lead. Tea party advocates will need a new mandate in 2012 where they control more than just the House of Representatives to push for their plan of aggressive deficit reduction and a balanced budget. Krauthammer sees the Obama stimulus, auto bailouts, health-care reform, financial regulation, and the current battle over deficit spending as a large Keynesian gamble which has failed to revive the economy. A choice on limiting government or a different set of policies should now be left to voters to decide....

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Paul Nuttall, a 39 year old history lecturer, takes over the leadership of the UK Independence Party, UKIP, from Nigel Farage. The Daily Telegraph cites a new analysis by the House of Commons that shows UKIP could replace Labor Party in 13 parliamentary seats if only one voter in fifty shifted to UKIP. Farage says UKIP inspired the Trump campaign in America. Nuttall in his acceptance speech said "I want to replace the Labor Party and make UKIP the patriotic voice of working people." Nuttall is seen as being the best bet for UKIP to retain its hold on former Labor supporters in traditional working class constituencies in the north of England.

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The Fed gets tougher on "too big to fail" but how tough? Does it have the guts to go after this problem asks Peter Eavis. If he does Bernake would go down in history as a hero says Eavis. Meanwhile Fed Governor Tarullo clearly point to the utterly inconceivable fact that after a crisis of these proportions with large banks being bailed out, the remaining banks and financial institutions are larger than before the crisis. And the banking lobby has stalled regulation to control the problems in derivatives trading and other areas. Splitting up or downsizing the banks and separating their social function as deposit takers in the economy from their trading desks and investment activity, is being advocated by central bankers from Volcker to Mervyn King. See links.

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In its May 2011 special report on international banking the Economist points out the need for banking regulators to take stronger action than they have so far. What it calls "pre-emptive insurance" it says is needed - stronger regulation, larger capital cushions, and some form of separation of different kinds of banking. Without this the dangers of excessive risk taking and banks that are "too big to fail" will continue to threaten the world's economy. Banks that are smaller and better capitalized says the Economist can fail more gracefully than the large mega banks that exist at this time. In fact the banks today in the U.S. are larger than at the time of the 2008 crisis. Other analysts also point to the lack of major changes in banking and financial structures today compared to the situation before the 2008 crisis, both in Europe and the U.S.