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"The best port in the storm," is how officials in Brussels described Greek prime minister Samaras in October 2012, as Samaras negotiated terms with the EU/ECB/IMF team for the next instalment of funds from the EU.

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Moody's lowered Italy's credit ratings by two notches from A3 to Baa2, putting it two levels from junk territory. Moody's views are that Italy was subject to increasing deterioration in market confidence with contagion from Spain, as Spain may need more support and its banking system is likely to have more losses than expected. Moody's also sees diminished overseas investments in Italy. Its assessment is for a 2% decline in GDP in 2012. High debt levels and significant funding needs in 2012-2013 are also taken into account in this rating.

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Greece's new finance minister Euclid Tsakalotos meets finance ministers of the EU in Brussels following the referendum. Chancellor Merkel opens the possibility of renegotiating the debt at a later stage. Merkel says: "Ofcourse, at the very end, one will have to discuss how debt sustainability can be recreated but not by saying first 'How do we close the gap?' but 'What can Greece do?' " Merkel added that "this program is, according to the now-withdrawn Greek request, meant to be two years long, so it is a multiyear program." This means that in addition to the pension cuts and tax increases rejected earlier, it would now have to include changes to labor laws to make it easier to fire workers, changes to product markets and the privatization of state assets.

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This piece in the Economist magazine points out why people in Portugal, Spain and Italy resent the remarks of Dutch finance minister, Jeroen Dijsselbloem, current head of the Eurogroup council of finance ministers, In an intervew with Germany daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, he said he was proud of the solidarity shown by northern European countries with the southern ones, but solidarity he said means obligations- " I cannot spend all my money on schnapps and women, and then ask for your support."  It also points out that Dijsselbloem's Labor Party lost three fourths of its seats in the recent Dutch elections and so is an unrepresentative presence in the Eurogroup. By supporting austerity policies in a coalition with a centre right party the Labor Party lost most of its seats. Dijsselbloem did this in the EU with strict rules for Italy for injecting money to recapitalize its banks and increase growth that have hurt Italy, and earned the resentment of Mr. Renzi, says the Economist magazine.He may even be replaced by an official from Spain or another southern European country, says the magazine. In any case it does little for EU unity at a sensitive time, and was a serious mistake. The timing was even worse, as the EU faces a test in elections in France and Germany, after Netherlands, and needs popular perceptions to be positive about what has been achieved since the dark days of 1945. ...

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Paul de Grauwe, a economist at the London School of Economics points to two problems with the June 28, 2012 EU deal that allows the EU rescue fund to buy Spanish and Italian bonds and provide capital aid directly to Spanish banks. One is the limited funds of the rescue fund, European Financial Stability Facility or by its other name European Stability Mechanism. The EFSF or ESM lacks credibility because it lacks resources, it has only 248 billion euros, and has to first raise money in the bond markets. A better approach would be for the ECB to buy Spanish and Italian bonds aggressively, allowing a smaller spread between these bonds and the German bonds, says Grauewe. Germany is the largest shareholder at the ECB and opposes this move as a form of mutualizing of debt in the EU. Grauwe's recent paper shows that the depressed bond conditions for Spain and Italy are driven largely by a psychology of fear and not hard true economic numbers. Christopher Marks, global head of debt capital markets at BNP Paribas, says it is important to create the confidence to get longer term core investors such as pension funds, sovereign wealth funds and insurance companies back into this market for Spanish and Italian bonds by reducing volatility and yield. These longer term investors have left the market creating a severe problem. The shorter term investors, who came into this market in the last 1-2 years, are now the loudest voice saying Spain and Italy are likely to fail. These shorter term investors are either selling these bonds short or getting credit default swaps. A big problem coming out of the June 28, 2012 agreement, is that it is short on details. The details of how the rescue fund will operate, its funding, and the conditions for making making direct loans for stakes in banks or buying government bonds are still to be clarified. Germany's Constitutional Court also will rule on how this would be conducted and the Merkel government would continue tough negotiations on the details creating added uncertainty. ...

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Spain accepts assistance from the European Financial Stability Fund with the EFSF committing $125 billion to the Spanish government for a fund specifically intended to recapitalize the banks. Some oversight will be provided by the IMF for Spain's banking system, but this is not a bailout in the sense of IMF conditionality or the EU imposing oversight of Spain's management of its finances and the economy. Instead a compromise was reached where only oversight over its banking system was offered in exchange for the loan. Spain has already committed to improving competitiveness in the economy, and reducing the fiscal deficit with some flexibility due to rising unemployment which has reached 25%. The problems in Spain's banking sector are focussed on the cajas savings banks which financed the housing bubble and not on all banks, with banks such as Europe's second largest bank Banco Santander which have intenational operations being in much better shape. The U.S. and the UK experienced a housing bubble at the same time as Spain, but the governments of both countries moved early on to recapitalize the banking system in 2008-2009. This move is significant because it helps stabilize the gobal economy by fixing the main problem facing Spain of recapitalizing its banks, this being the largest problem in the eurozone....

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Mistakes French bank Societe Generale made with acquiring a controlling stake in Greek bank Geniki. Credit Agricole bank had a similiar experience with its stake in Greek bank Emporiki. In 2010 Societe Generale was forced to set aside 400 million euros for bad loans. Credit Agricole had to remove the CEO and higher executives in 2009 before introducing good loan criteria at Emporiki. Today Emporiki has loan loss provisions of 12.5% of gross loans, and Geniki has 21%, according to analysts. Dirk Hoffmann-Becking, analyst at Bernstein Research, estimates that a default that took out 30% from the value of these Greek banks loan book and 70% from Greek government bonds would result in a loss of 3 quarters of earnings for Credit Agricole and for Societe Generale 1.5 quarters of earnings. This would mean that the French banks would take 3 quarters longer to get their capital reserve ratios to 9% for new Basel III regulations.

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This Nov. 2015 assessment by Economist magazine of Angela Merkel's 10 years as leader of Germany gives a rare glowing account of her leadership. Some failings including the slowness in tackling the early period of the eurozone economic crisis, but recovering through boldness as the crisis developed, and showing boldness in providing leadership for Europe both in the Ukraine crisis and the refugee crisis. It finds Cameron, Renzi and Hollande lacking in leadership qualities needed for Europe to thrive, and looks to Merkel's leadership for Europe's future progress.

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An increasing portion of Spain's 663 billion euros, or $876 billion, in home mortgages is likely to default. As unemployment rises and unemployment benefits run out for the unemployed more people are likely to default under the burden of large debt. Some of the largest Spanish banks are likely to need a bailout. Analysts estimate a bailout of Spain to be at least 200 billion euros or $264 billon. The large increase in the IMF Fund recently completed by IMF head Christine Lagarde may be designed to handle such a crisis.

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Brinksmanship on both sides as Greece's Syriza government continues negotiations with the EU in June 2015. Syriza's Tsipras attends the St. Petersburg Economic Forum as the IMF's Lagarde calls for restoring dialogue "with some adults in the room." The German media describes Greece's finance minister Yannis Varoufakis as "amateurish." Germany says a Greek exit from the eurozone is an option. Creditors are pushing for changes to the pension system before releasing $7 billion, including $1.6 billion owed to the IMF on June 30, 2015.

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Portugal's constitutional court rules against a government action to reduce public sector worker's traditional extra 2 months salary for each year in 2013-2014. Portugal is required to meet a deficit target of 3% in 2013. The EC and the IMF provided 78 billion euros in loans to Portugal and have indicated flexibility in adjusting the economic program.

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Prime minister Monti of Italy played a key role in getting Germany to accept short term measures for the eurozone crisis. This includes having the European Financial Stability Facility, the eurozone's bailout fund, buying govenment bonds of Spain and Italy directly in private markets to reduce the unsustainably high yields on these bonds. The plans proposed by the EU include setting up a European banking regulator.

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The Wall Street Journal's reporting in Sept, 2011, on France's bank BNP Paribas. Contributor Nicolas Lecaussin quoted a BNP Paribas executive saying the bank no longer had access to dollar funding. There is a loss of dollar funding to French banks from U.S. money market funds as the funds reduce exposure and shorten maturities. Analysts point to the French banks having one of the lowest ratios of liquid assets to short term funding needs in Europe. This reporting was questioned by BNP Paribas and French government officials. This happened as central banks including the U.S. Fed intervened in markets in September 2011, to ensure full availability of dollar funding to French banks.

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Fisher and Taub of the NYT look at the populist politics in Europe and the U.S. following the French election first round. Trump won in the U.S. with the deep polarization of politics in the U.S.- leading to the Republican Party to decide to support him to avoid the result of four more years of an administration led by Democrats, and with the support of discontented voters in midwestern states with falling living standards. The situation in Europe is different as the mainstream parties have united in the past to block populist politicians with negative messages on immigration and an open economy. This happened in the Dutch election, by the co-opting of the nationalist message of populist politicians by mainstream parties and mainstream politicians, and is likely to continue in the French and German elections in 2017. Fisher and Taub point to another development that is happening- shifting the debate to ethnonationalism vs. open economies, which has happened with Brexit and the UK Independence Party. They cite the 2015 British elections in which UKIP won 13 percent of the vote, as having influenced prime minister Cameron to call for a referendum on Brexit, in a effort to revive the fortunes of the Conservative Party. In the end this resulted in the 52 percent vote supporting Brexit.  Another way of looking at the populist movement is that with Trump it called attention to trade and the way working class Americans were being marginalized especially in the industrial midwest. With this problem being addressed in a Trump administration and a reviving economy, the mainstream parties have an opportunity to reassert themselves. In Europe the AfD called attention to immigration issues, and the Merkel coalition government of CDU and SPD by making changes such as the deal with Turkey, and returning economic refugees, is able to assert the role of mainstream parties. In Britain the situation could be a result of a brash decision by a Conservative prime minister Cameron, in making a bad miscalculation, that has put Britain on a course that is likely not in its best interest. The Brexit referendum yes vote galvanized opinion by showing an endless stream of refugees in their advertising- a development following the opening of borders by Germany and Austria to address the plight of Syrian war refugees. That situation has passed and is unlikely to happen again as both the SPD and CDU parties in Germany have pointed out that this was a one time situation that they responded to following the exodus from Keleti rail station in Hungary under special circumstances. With this kind of perspective populist politics can be seen as reflecting other voices in a democracy, that are heard and responded to, yet keeping the sense of balance and openness necessary in today's global economy and societies. This is also the perception of Germany's outgoing popular president Gauck in his final address, pointing to the need to listen to other voices in a democracy, and the need for openness in a democracy, as well as democracies always in the process of Becoming and evolving to adapt to new situations in economy, society, and politics.     ...

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The CDU convention in Leipzig, Germany passed a compromise resolution that lays the ground for a EU country to voluntarily leave the euro zone and still maintain membership in the European Union. The resolution called for changes to the Lisbon Treaty to allow a euro zone member that is "unable or unwilling to permanently obey the rules connected to the common currency... to voluntarily... leave the euro zone without leaving the European Union." Merkel told delegates that Europe must change the EU treaty to allow for strong automatic sanctions for violations of the monetary union treaty. "We need to send a clear signal. We don't whine; we don't complain. We know instead that we have a job to do." On the issue of voluntary withdrawal from the eurozone, the earlier decision by Merkel and President Sarkozy of France- when prime minister Papandreou of Greece decided to put the issue of membership to a referendum- was to tell Greece that leaving the eurozone would mean leaving the European Union. This CDU resolution provides a basis for Greece to resolve its debt problems outside the euro currency, as experts suggest....