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With the Houthi control of northern Yemen Iran increases its influence in the region bordering Saudi Arabia. The vacuum that developed with the inaction of the Obama administrationin the U.S. and the Hollande administration in France leads to a power grab in the Middle East, with the UAE, Iran, Turkey, each aggressively pursuing its interests in the region, resulting in an enlarged area of conflict and rise in extremist movements.

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Note that Goldman Sach's analysts who first predicted that oil prices could reach $100 are now predicting that the downward momentum is building up. The prediction from them now is that prices may go up further than the $96 right now but should drop to $80 by April. Its not too difficult to see why. First on the supply side the momentum for downward shift is not so significant but still there are signs. The Iraqi oil flow disruption either from a Turkish invasion of norther Iraq or from internal disruption is shrinking as the Turks see this as a small operation at most, and the Iraqi law and order situation is improving. The Iranian situation may be stabilizing without US intervention possibilities shrinking. On the supply side the oil majors except for Total see their output shrinking somewhat, and OPEC has not increased supplies significantly as oil inventories have not built up as they do before winter. But overall the supply situation is stable. On the demand side is where the significant downward momentum exists. With the US economy slowing down amid the buildup of the housing tumble and the credit crunch which looks to get worse in 2008 before stabilizing in 2009 and a stronger euro and other factors affecting Europe's expansion oil consumption by industry in the industrialized countries is slowing. Much of the pressure on oil prices comes from increases in demand each year from China and India. Here gasoline is subsidized by the government and this reduces incenive for conservation. The policy of letting market prices be reflected at the pump to a limited degree so as not to seriously affect people is now taking hold in these countries. In China prices were raised 10% and there is likely to be further increase in the near future. This along with the increasing awarenes of the dependence on foreign oil and the need for conservation in both China and India should build pressures in both countries to make the best use of resoures and have users share some of the burden of higher prices. The American and European gasoline market is driven by a public that has not been too conscious of conservation especially in America. It appears that high oil prices have not encouraged conservation, witness that with rebates for higher oil prices and zero interest rates financing large pickups are still selling at levels of 2005, and there has not been a significant reduction in consumption at the pump. What may shift this equation now is probably government mandated fuel economy standards. Europe already has new standards and the automakers there are racing to meet it with new technologies, in America its now almost certain that public sentiment and congressional sentiment is likely to lead to similiar standards or at least significantly improved standard. Public sentiment is already pushing the automakers in the USA to introduce new models with higher fuel economy and use this as a n advertising and competitive edge. This reduction in gasoline consumption at the pump through new technologies in the industrialized countries and through price increases being allowed to flow through in the developing countries of China and India in a stable supply environment where the downward political risks are stable may be the pivotal turning point for the price of oil. ...

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Turkey's prime minister Erdogan wins a third term. He wins half of the vote and gets 325 seats in parliament. But he fails to get the 330 seats in parliament needed to make changes to the constitution and submit it to a referendum. This also falls short of the 367 absolute majority to get a new constitution adopted by parliament without a referendum. WSJ says the Turkish prime minister appeared to get the message from Turkish voters- any change in the constitution should be done by national consensus and he needs to soften his authoritarian edges. In accepting the results he said: "We'll go to the opposition and we'll seek consultation and consensus. The responsibility has risen and so has our humility." Erogan's party gets credit for managing the economy, increasing exports fourfold in the last ten years and tripling per capita income. This also comes at a critical time in the Middle East as Turkey seeks to provide a role model for Egypt, Libya, Syria, Tunisia, Iraq and other countries in the Middle East becoming free from dictatorial rule and trying to establish democracy....

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Turkey's transition to democracy and a growing emerging market. Turkey's example provides a pathway for modernization in Egypt.

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Ignatius of the Washington Post presents the Egyptian protests from the lens of Obama's personal encounter with authoritarian regimes in his boyhood experiences in Indonesia and Kenya. This is covered in Obama's first book, "Dreams from My Father." Ignatius points to the movements in Indonesia and the Philippines that ousted dictators Marcos and Suharto as evidence that positive models exist for transition to democratic government after long spells of authoritarian rule. This is a view different from the pessimism expressed by Charles Krauthammer in the Washington Post on the same day- February 4, 2011- as the largest pro-democracy demonstrations were underway in Egypt. Krauthammer cites the situation in Gaza and Iran. The Wall Street Journal editorial on the same day says that Gaza is a bad example, because Hamas was allowed to contest the election without the necessary groundwork being laid; as an exception by US Secretary of State Rice. The WSJ editorial stands by the liberal democratic openings to democracy established by Bush, and earlier supported by Reagan at the Berlin Wall. The situation in Iran is actually that the elections were stolen by the Ahmadinejhad government, just as they have been stolen in Belarus, so it also may not be a good example. Ignatius points to Obama's experience as post-colonial but at the same time his administration's handling of the crisis so far has been generally described in the US media as of being caught by surprise by events and not being able to take a clear stand. ...

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Thomas Friedman of the NYT sees a climate change as an area in which Trump has ignored the information of eminent scientists. He sees a weakness of the Trump administration in Trump's putting no importance to briefings by experts from climate change to national security briefings. Friedman sees Russia and hacking as a major issue facing the new Trump administration, including the new hearings in Congress from leading Republicans on the cyberattacks.

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Ben Hubbard of the NYT describes the problems created by the Russian bombing campaing in Syria for the civilian population, and the lack of any changes on the ground. Russia may soon be looking for a way out from its involvement in the region, says Hubbard, because of the costs of such an involvement over time.

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Exhibitions in Istanbul from the period 1970-1980 and the violent activity from protest groups and others during that period. Lingering effects today with crackdown on journalists by the Erdogan government and polarization of public opinion.

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An indepth look at the ISIS as a vast money raising organization levying taxes on everything within its reach and paying salaries to young unemployed Sunnis willing to join the fight in Iraq and Syria.

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One military expert says even if half of the Iraqi army can be put in shape it could turn the tide against the ISIS. Advice from U.S. military experts is for the Iraqi army to focus only on the ISIS and avoid hurting relations with the Sunni population. Advisers are seen as making a difference and needed also for the tribal forces. A major difficulty is that Shiite militias and advisors from Iran play a role in the forces loyal to prime minister Maliki. Following the U.S. training of the Iraqi Army at a cost of over $25 billion there was a period under prime minister Maliki when he appointed officers more for loyalty than for military skills and training. With the U.S. withdrawal the Iraqi Army languished in this situation. Reporters from NYT and WSJ have documented extensively the weakness of the Iraqi Army in commanding officers, in training and in equipment.