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As the focus shifts to the east, the war in April in Ukraine shifts to a prolonged war. It also means that the focus now is also on economic separation of US and European economies from Russia and China. As it was this overdependence that lacked prudence or good sense, that emboldened Russia in its relations with the US and Europe, and China in its relations with neighbors in Asia. This report looks at the arms aid Ukraine may need to defend the region on its eastern border with Russia. Russia plans to focus on the separatist Luhansk and Donbas regions in the east which have sought closer ties with Russia. The war in the east has dragged on already for over 10 years.The rest of Ukraine and particularly western areas near Poland such as Lviv and areas near the Baltics have shown strong sentiment for an independent Ukraine able to choose her own path. Throughout history the Baltics and Poland have had a strong influence on western Ukraine and Russia on eastern Ukraine bordering Russia, with influence swinging one way or the other throughout Ukraine depending on the period in history. After the westernization and modernization of Russia under Peter the Great in the 17th century and of Prussia as a German state independent of the Hapsburgs in Vienna around the same period, geopolitics shifting the balance of power took on a bigger dimension. Putin's actions can only be seen as a throwback to using the tactics of invasion going back to this period in history from 1700 to 1950, when dominant powers France, Austria led by Hapsburg dynasty, and Britain with the Dutch fought wars seeking advantage mostly on territory of German states and Italian states, and in all parts of the world. This also laid the grounds for colonization of large parts of Asia and Africa by Europeans in this contest for dominance through trading companies that traded for profit, and used tax revenues from acquired lands for profit making and military activity. In some ways poor economic choices such as the excessive dependence of the US and European economies and their integration with China and Russia have led to the war. As they created advantages Russia and China did not have in technological capabilities and stronger economies that make war an alternative to support foreign policy goals. In the long term it is this these unsustainable economic choices that will be pulled back following the pandemic for shorter supply chains closer to home. This prudent economic separation could not have happened without recent events, as even now Germany industry says its dependence and integration with Russia is hard to reverse for gas supplies, and American business is only now making the changes away from dependence on China in its supply chain.   ...

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Since 2004 consumer spending's share of the economy in China has fallen from 40% to 35%.

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Japan's efforts to rebuild Myanmar's economy and infrastructure after decades of stagnation under a military regime.

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Yascha Mounk says Germany is not as committed to the West as it was in the days of chancellor Adenauer. Policies pursued by Gerhard Schroeder distancing Germany from the U.S. were also carried on under chancellor Merkel.

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Citing Alexis de Tocqueville, the Russian President makes a plea for writing a new page in Russian-US relations, by working together, because he says the world expects the two countries to take energetic steps to establish a climate of trust and goodwill, and not to languish in inaction and diengagement. Medvedev says he was greatly impressed with Obama's inaugural address and its unbiassed assessment of America's problems, the need to change together with the rest of the world. Its a kind of call to action, to restart cooperation and working together, building trilateral cooperation between the EU, the USA and Russia.

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China raises objections to the setup of the U.S. THADD missile defense system to protect South Korea, but the South Korean government of president Park Geun-hye is determined to go forward. The U.S. and South Korea say the North's missile tests have created conditions for the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense System to be setup to protect South Korea.

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Increasing regional tensions with a more assertive Japan and China. U.S. president Obama's so called "pivot to Asia," appears to have little impact. China has tended to look for its own security architecture in Asia that excludes the U.S. U.S. efforts to reduce tensions are being ignored by China in May-June 2014, as China asserts itself in waters that are in dispute with Vietnam. The lack of U.S. influence compares unfavorably with the situation that prevailed since 1900, when the U.S. had the most significant influence in Asian waters. It has more to do with a policy of withdrawal under the Obama administration than U.S. capabilities. The policy of withdrawal in the Middle East comes after much of the sacrifice had been made and the situation in Iraq changed, so that for a much smaller incremental effort the U.S. could have both lived up to its principles and ideals for democracy and freedom as well as win public opinion in the Arab countries of North Africa and the Middle East. This withdrawal in the Middle East has given Russia and China the wrong signal leading to more assertive stance in Europe and Asia, and creating uncertainty where little uncertainty existed about U.S. determination. Under whatever terms it is wrapped the policy of the Obama administration is one of withdrawal. It is dangerous because it will mean a more costly effort would be needed under a future administration to restore the situation which prevailed earlier- in which the U.S. has helped create a climate in which the entire region including China and Japan have prospered economically, without the region descending into a competition between Russia, China, Japan, South Korea and India. The Obama administration with its muddled policies has inadvertently created this situation....

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Obama's offer to Russian President Medvedev for the U.S. to back off from a new missile defence system in Eastern Europe in exchange for Russian help to stop Iran from developing longrange nuclear weapons. The U.S. argument is we don't need these interceptor systems if Iran ceases building its nuclear capability, and the U.S. system is designed for countries like Iran and not against Russia.

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China's exports were able to show year over year growth of 7.6% in the first quarter of 2012, a sharp decline from 20.3% in 2011. As a result IMF estimates of China's long term current account surplus which were about 7% of GDP in the World Economic Outlook in Sept. 2011 may now be lowered to about 5%. This would reduce the strength of arguments that the yen is undervalued. The IMF is now engaged in making estimates for current account balances till 2017. China's current account surplus peaked at 10.1% of GDP in 2007 and the IMF forecasts in 2008 were for this to remain at 10% for the long term. The situation is rapidly changing because the most recent estimates from China's State Administration for Foreign Exchange show the actual current account surplus for 2011 at 2.8% of GDP. Since the 2010 Group of 20 nations summit meeting when China was pressured to reduce its trade surplus and let the yuan appreciate, the yuan has appreciated by 8.3%.

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Barry Posen, Director of M.I.T.'s Security Studies Program looks at U.S. options as it confronts North Korea over missile tests. He says a conventional attack with bombers could invite a conventional attack from North Korea. A nuclear attack by the U.S. is seen only in the context of an impending attack from North Korea. Very little warning would be given to South Korea resulting in large casualties, says Posen.