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Renault signs an agreement with labor unions which provide for longer working hours and a one year wage freeze to reduce labor costs. Renault will in turn not close French factories and invest 1.1 billion euros to increase production in France. A similiar agreement was signed by Renault in Spain in 2012 and increased the urgency for reaching an agreement in France. Renault says increasing working hours 6.5% provided in the agreement will save the company 300 euros per car. Analysts estimate lower breakeven point for Renault after the deal. Renault said it will increase production to 710,000 cars in France by 2016 as part of the deal, taking output up to 85% of factory capacity. Production in 2012 declined to 532,000 in 2012, from 646,000 in 2011 and 1.2 million in 2007. Unions went into the negotiations sensing the danger in lack of competitiveness vs. Spain and Germany, and CFDT published a book titled "Renault in Danger!." Based on the experience in the U.S. as the economy recovered and sales recovered for Ford and GM, Renault may be seeing the effects of a gradual recovery in Europe by 2016. The 710,000 figure is a one third increase from the low 2012 figure, leaving room for expansion if this strategy succeeds. Renault's market share declined in Europe by one percentage point in 2012 to 8.4%, and its sales in Europe declined by 19%, according to the European Automobile Manufacturers Association. The increased production planned by Renault also includes 80,000 cars made for its partner Nissan....

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European banks have been slow to get rid of risky assets such as collateralized debt obligations, subprime mortgages and other risky assets after the 2007 financial crisis. As a result sixteen top European banks hold 386 billion euros of suspect credit-market and real estate assets, according to Credit Suisse analysts. The Royal Bank of Scotland has 79.6 billion of assets dating from the 2007 financial crisis. Over the three year period since the 2008 financial crisis, the top three U.S. banks shed 80% of this type of risky assets, compared to 50% for European banks. The four largest British banks have reduced these risky assets by more than 50%, and four French banks have reduced these assets by only 30%. At 29 billion euros, French bank Credit Agricole had the largest amount of such risky assets among the leading French banks. This adds to the difficulties facing French banks which also have large amount of loans to customers in Greece and Greece's sovereign bonds. Deutsche Bank has 20.2 billion euros in commercial mortgages and whole loans and 2.9 billion euros in U.S. residential assets including subprime loans. Mediobanca analysts estimate that Deutsche Bank's exposure to such assets is more than 150% of its tangible equity....

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The Merkel government's effort to convince a skeptical German public about the need to aid Spain's banks. This includes a video on YouTube. The German parliament will vote shortly on the loans to Spain's savings banks.

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A new generation of younger leaders takes over at the European Central Bank under Mario Draghi. Belgian economist Peter Praet succeeds Peter Stark of Germany in the Economics Department. Portugal's Vitor Constancio is vice president. Jorg Asmussen, 45, from Germany is on the ECB executive board, so is Benoit Coeure, 42, from France, and Klaas Knot, 44, from the Netherlands. Asmussen will head the ECB's International Division. Jens Weidmann,43, is the new head of the Bundesbank. The result experts say could be a reorientation of the ECB's outlook away from the rigid anti-inflation stance of Draghi's predecessor, Claude Trichet, and a willingness to try new approaches to help Europe tackle this recession.

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Thomas Kleine-Brockhoff, a senior transatlantic fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, leads the EuroFuture Project. Here he offers his ideas of the dilemmas facing German leaders in agreeing to letting the European Central Bank take a larger role of supporting the bonds of Italy, Portugal and Spain. He says Germans are seeing a contradiction between European demands for German leadership and not wanting to be led by Germany or perceiving Germany as a hegemon. Brockhoff says Germans have never in the postwar period wanted to or learned to exercize continental leadership. He recounts the postwar period when Germans were content with the deutsche mark, and limited their expression of national pride to the deutsche mark. Giving up the deutsche mark was part of the deal for reunification of the two Germanys, a surrender of economic sovereignty for the sake of a larger integration into Europe. He says that even though the arguments are framed in terms of orthodox economics, economic nationalists who never really wanted to give up the deutsche mark are the core of the opposition to the common issue of eurozone bonds. The German position is to go back to the framework of principles for economic and monetary union and tighten the rules for spending and taxes, something that is good in the long run, but does not work in the short run with shrinking economies from austerity programs and nervous markets. The Merkel government's resolution of this crisis is to set new fiscal rules for the eurozone, and either move in the direction of letting the ECB play a larger role, or support such a move. What is not clear is whether the government will survive the next election taking on this leadership role in Europe, or a revolt in the Christian Democratic party....

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Greece's political parties negotiated through the night of Feb. 9, 2012, over the details of the 130 billion euro aid package from the EU and the conditions laid out by the troika of the EU, IMF and ECB. The political leaders Papandreou and Samaras agreed on wage cuts -with a 22% cut in the minimum wage- and public sector job cuts, but resisted deep cuts in pension benefits which would leave a 300 million euros shortfall in 2012 budget targets. This is part of 3 billion euros in austerity measures set by the EU finance ministers as a condition for further aid. Another sticking point was the serious consideration given by the EU, according to EU economics commissioner Olli Rehn, that the 130 billion euros be placed in a special escrow account so that Greece's private creditors would be paid from the account before money was taken out for the Greek budget. This was seen by Greek political parties as an infringement of Greek sovereignty. The EU is requiring all the main political parties in Greece give written pledges agreeing to the program and the Greek parliament voting to approve it. The language used by Greece's finance minister, Evangelos Venizelos, as he put the choice to Greece, shows the difficult choices facing Greece, Venizelos said: "If we see our future and the salvation of the country in the euro zone, in Europe, we must do what we must do in order for the program to definitely be approved...If our country, our people prefer another political decision that necessarily leads out of the euro zone and therefore outside European integration, we have to say this clearly to ourselves and to our compatriots." Because the agreement is designed to get Greece's debt to 120% of GDP by 2020- it asks for a decade of austerity measures. Some experts say Greece is better of defaulting like Argentina and going back to the drachma to recover export competitiveness. Another factor complicating this is the rapidity with which the Greek situation is deteriorating and the lack of political consensus on austerity measures, with all poltical parties enjoying less than 25% support in the country making political party pledges meaningless. Elections are due in April 2012. The EU and Germany may be too focussed on getting through a March 20 deadline for a bond payment of 14.5 billion euros- because of nervous financial markets- and not able to gets its hands around the problem of long term unemployment and deteriorating economic situation facing Greece. Greece's unemployment rate increased from 18.2% to 20.9% in just one month from October 2011 to Nov. 2011, according to Elstat, the government statistics agency. Another difficulty is that the EU ministers may see the achievement of European unity as progressing without any pauses and corrections of course, as if in a straight line, when achievements of a vision of this kind take many years and problem solving; where even a Greek withdrawal from the EU could be a temporary step towards eventually rejoining in a better EU framework. ...

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The European Banking Authority has lost credibility after two rounds of stress tests by the EBA failed to turn up the problems at Spanish banks that required a $125 billion recapitalization by the EU rescue fund. Now EU officials are turning to the European Central Bank as the eurozone's main banking regulator. The U.S. Federal Reserve is performing this role after the 2008 financial crisis, with the FDIC in charge of bank closures and resolution. ECB president Mari Draghi says, letting the ECB perform supervisory tasks, a decision made at the June 28 EU summit talks, is fully in line with the bank's mandate. Separate decisions will be needed for a bank resolution authority like the FDIC. The ECB will then have to hire hundreds of banking experts to make on site visits to eurozone banks and check their loan books and make independent assessments of bad loans, bank risks, and capital requirements. The important thing is an agency which is free of local and political interference to make the correct evaluations....

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Philipp Rosler, head of the FDP party and Germany's Economy minister, says he opposes further involvement by German taxpayers or the ECB in the debt restructuring for Greece. He pointed out that the current negotiations between Greece and the bondholders (mostly French and German banks) were about private sector involvement. Tax payers of Germany and other European countries are already making a contribution he said. The IMF is pushing for the ECB to take a haircut or writedown on the $40 billion of Greek bonds it holds to supplement the haircut taken by bondholders of over 50%. Rosler said in an interview with the Journal that Athens should keep its side of the bargain by implementing reforms and not letting them just be on paper. On Germany or the EU directly taking responsibility over the Greek budget, Rosler said this should be the responsibility of the Greek parliament. At the same time he pointed out that its important to have a specific and rigorous montiroing process just to be fair to taxpayers in the EU....

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Hassett and Baker suggest learning from the German experience of the last decade in reducing unemployment, including "kurzarbeit" programs, work sharing, and cooperation between industry, unions and government to reduce unemployment. France is already taking action to learn from the German experience.

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The government of president Hollande in France added about 7 billion euros of new taxes after May 2012, and an additional 20 billion euros in the 2013 budget. Spending cuts totaled about half the tax increases. France's taxes are the highest of the major EU countries and there is concern that this may hinder the economic recovery. French businesses are cutting back on capital spending. Insee survey for April 2013 showed French manufacturing businesses planning cuts in investment of 4% for 2013. The government says spending cuts go up in 2014 to about two thirds of the deficit reduction and tax increases about 6 billion euros. France's statistics agency Insee says economic growth was 0.5% in the second quarter of 2013 compared to the prior quarter. The recovery was supported by consumer spending, with private capital investment lagging behind. This is about 1.9% growth in GDP on an annualized basis, according to J.P. Morgan.

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Landon Thomas points out an important fact as Greece faces a decision whether to exit the euro and return to the drachma. Removing the interest payments to creditors (French, German and other banks) would result in closing the budget deficit in Greece. When these interest payments on a huge debt load are taken out, Greece would have a budget surplus of 1.5% of GDP compared with a budget deficit of 8% of GDP when interest payments are continued. The experience of Argentina suggests the immediate impact would be painful, but the devaluation in the currency of over 50% from what it is today would return Greece to growth. The alternative under the present plan is to leave Greece burdened with a decade of austerity cuts and a shrinking economy.

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The WSJ's Juan Montes, in an exceptional report from Mexico City, tells the story behind a landmark achievement for Mexico- Pacto Por Mexico of Dec. 2, 2012. The major political parties of the right, centre and left forge an agreement for the way forward for Mexico- beyond monopolistic pricing and industry structures in Mexico that hurt consumers, to increase foreign investment and new technlogies to modernize the national oil company Pemex operations, change labor laws, and create a climate for higher growth. The pact is broad ranging, shows a grasp of the problems facing modern Mexico, and ranges from anti-monopoly laws to getting junk food out of schools considering Mexico's high obesity and diabetes rate. It covers 95 goals. It is hard to overstate the significance of this achievement for modern Mexico. Montes describes the initiative of the PRD leader Zambrones in rebranding his PRD party as a moderate left wing party open to new ideas. This happened after the departure of Lopez Obrador from the PRD to form his own party in September. Zambrano and PRD moderates brought up the idea based on what happened in a landmark deal in Spain in 1977, that helped transform Spain after decades of stagnation under the Franco dictatorship. Around July after the presidential election, PRD president Zambrano, and the PRD's Jesus Ortega, held meetings in Mexico City with Jose Murat, a senior PRI politician, and PRI president elect Nieto's top advisor, economist Luis Videgaray. The decision was made by president Nieto and economist Luis Videgaray to pursue the discussions for joint agreement on vital issues facing Mexico. The PAN party was brought into the discussions. By mid-September nine people from the PRD, PRI and PAN started work on a draft agreement at Murat's home. The ground rules were set for discussions to be private, to have agreement on all points or assume nothing had been agreed, and not let current events disturb the talks. The nine participants set up the broad principles, and then a group of three, one from each party was given the task of coming up with the right language for the pact. By the end of November a 34 page draft was put together. A night of intense work to 2 a.m. followed the inauguaration of president Nieto on Dec. 1, with the Pact ready for announcement on Dec. 2, 2012. The Pact is a landmark achievement in its potential for changing Mexico and creating decades of economic progress similiar to that envisioned by the Spanish parties for Spain in 1977. ...

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The Cajas, local savings banks, are a symbol of the excesses and lack of financial controls of the bubble years in Spain. The local savings banks were run by authoritarian leaders who remained in office for many years, and were influential in the political system. The Cajas expanded into real estate during the real estate bubble, and many of the cajas had to be merged by the federal government under new management after the bursting of the bubble. Minder describes the culture at Cajas banks in Galicia, the region in the northwest of Spain that is the home region of prime minister Mariano Rajoy. Julio Fernandez Gayoso, or known as Don Julio in the old baronial manner, was one such bank executive who ran the the larges cajas bank in Galicia as his own fiefdom till he was 80, and only quit when forced to resign in an investigation.

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The Gallois Report and France's efforts to improve competitiveness under the Hollande administration.

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The pact of competitiveness is designed to bring a closer integration of the eurozone. It includes proposals for increasing the retirement age to 67, ending indexation of wages to inflation, and involvement of other eurozone countries in controlling out of control deficits in some countries. Germany sees this as necessary to convince the German public that financial responsibility is being exercized by countries in budget crises that get help from Germany. This may buy time but it does not come to terms with the reality of Greece being insolvent already, which may be true also for Ireland and Portugal. Some experts see the need for debt restructuring, and the need to start early, especially if Germany is unwilling to make large transfers to these countries.