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In a manner similiar to that in other European countries such as the UK and Germany, where multiculturalism is being debated, Norway is having its own debate about immigration policies and its impact on Norwegian society. The concentration of immigrants in east Oslo and other neighborhoods creates a more visible presence than actual numbers. About 11% of Norway's population of 4.9 million are immigrants. Of the 550,000 immigrants who came in between 1995 and 2010, half are white from Poland, Sweden, and other countries. But the Somalis, Eritreans, and other immigrants coming for asylum are from the poorest countries and find assimilation difficult. There is a consensus among Norwegians and in the political parties that immigration policies need to be revised.

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Landon Thomas looks at the European Financial Stability Facility, the organization that was formed in May 2010 to be the mechanism for raising and channeling funds to troubled eurozone economies Ireland, Greece and Portugal. He describes its evolution, its new responsibilities under the July 2011 eurozone agreement, and the difficulties it might face. The credibility of the EFSF is critical to the solution being worked out by eurozone leaders. The EFSF is based in Luxembourg and is headed by Klaus Regling, a German economist and a top official in the European Commisson's financial division. The EFSF raises funds in the financial markets. With Germany as the largest backer the EFSF is able to raise funds at low interest rates such as 3.3% for 10 years at one recent offering. The fund has a triple-A rating. In June and July the stability fund raised 8 billion euros in two auctions. It plans to come to the market four times during the rest of 2011 for funds to support Ireland and Portugal. The EFSF will need new powers and structure to meet its new role as the principal mechanism for solving the crisis. It is now given the role of the buyer of last resort for the bonds of troubled eurozone economies. This means national parliaments in the eurozone will have to approve these new powers and resources. One concern in financial markets is how the EFSF would deal with the needs of Italy or Spain if one of the two economies runs into trouble. Italy and Spain consitute 30% of the EFSF's backing, if they were to run into problems, would the burden fall disproportionately on France and Germany? And because France may have public finance problems of its own with declining competitiveness, does this mean Germany would be the real backer in that situation....

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Charles Dallara, managing director of the Institute of International Finance, which represents large global banks, describes the deal that was reached by eurozone leaders for restructuring Greece's debt in July 2011. He was one of the key negotiators. He says the agreement helps prevent contagion to Spain and Italy, and helps increase confidence in banks. By showing the losses are better understood and seen as manageable conveys a message that builds confidence for the banks and for the EU. And the effort to create the conditions for growth in Greece will make all the difference, he says. The Institute of International Finance estimates the deal will cost the banks and other investors $54 billion. Dallara says the turning point in the talks came in mid-July when European governments agreed to a plan for banks to swap Greek debt for new securities, backed by collateral.The focus then shifted to shaping the details. Josef Ackermann, chief executive of Deutsche Bank and chairman of the International Finance Institute, used his skills to pull the package together with European leaders. Dallara has experience going back to his days working on the negotiations for the Brady deal for Latin American debt in the 1980's. The Brady deal was also designed around banks swapping the old bonds for new ones with longer maturities and reduction of principal, and lower interest rates. In return the banks were given guarantees of repayment removing uncertainty- through 30 year U.S. zero coupon bonds- and making it possible for banks to start anew. The reduction of principal in the July 2011 eurozone agreement is around 20%, the Brady reduction was much larger, around 30%. This suggests eurozone governments are putting up more of the funds in this situation with the weaker condition of banks which may need to be recapitalized at some point, and the preservation of the euro itself at stake....

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The success of Apple's stores in Beijing, Shanghai. Apple plans to open stores throughout China. China's rising upper middle class and its passion for premium products. Fot the first three quarters of the fiscal year, Apple revenues in China were $8.8 billion. This is a six fold jump in revenues. China is now the second largest market after the U.S. for apps that run on the smartphone and the tablet, according to Distimo.

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John Harwood provides an insight into the polarized positions of each side in the negotiations and the changes in the national scene that have led to a polarized political climate and a polarized Congress. The political positions on the Republican and Democratic sides in Congress and the Senate are different from any other time in many decades of government. Between Tea party members of the House and Pelosi Democrats in the House there is a serious divide. The senior leaders of each party command less support. Consider the loud "no" given by newly elected House Republicans led by Rep. Cantor to Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell's backup plan. The written pledge for no tax increases has given the Cantor House Republicans little room for compromise. And as Harwood points out each side, the tea party House Republican group, the Democrats in Congress, and the President, all know there is every chance that they could be voted out of office in 2012.The media is also splintered with vocal positions on either side. As Senator Chambliss of the Gang of Six Senators said on a talk show a week before the August 2 deadline for raising the U.S. debt ceiling: "Frankly, we don't know what's going to happen for sure." ...

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Different constitutional law opinions on the option of the President citing the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution to raise the debt ceiling. Former President Clinton says he would unilaterally invoke it "without hesitation, and force the courts to stop me." President Obama said recently, "I have talked to my lawyers, they are not persuaded that this is a winning argument." Section 4 of this Amendment was designed to assure creditors the Union debts after the Civil War would be honored and to say Confederate debts would not be honored. This part of the 14th Amendment says "the validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned." Prof. Jack Balkin of Yale, says it provides a broader principle that the public debt cannot be held hostage for political purposes. His view is that this is something that could be an option when all other options are exhausted. Prof. Lawrence Tribe of Harvard, say the law courts have no plausible point of entry in such a situation. There is a sense that "popular constitutionalism" would play an important part if something like this happened- the meaning of the constitution is what popular sentiment says it is in the particular context and events. ...

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Failure of U.S. regulatory agencies to implement an important provision of the Dodd-Frank legislation- instructing regulators to find all references to ratings agencies in their rules, and then replace them with better standards for judging credit risk. Treasury's Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, is one of the agencies trying to gut this reform, says this Wall Steet Journal editorial. The S.E.C. voted unanimously in March and April to propose rules eliminating credit agencies in their regulations on money funds and stock brokerages. As the comment periods have ended, the Journal calls for the rules to be immediately made final. Officials from FDIC and OCC are dragging their feet on this. One problem they face is their assumption that the Dodd-Frank law requires them to come up with the perfect rule for measuring credit risk. This is not what the change is intended to do. It is enough says the Journal to return the responsibility for the right metrics and the hard work of analyzing a security back to where it belongs- to people who manage these assets and institutional managers. Even if they made some mistakes it would be far less than the systemic risk posed by having all major institutions making the same mistake at the same time and the entire system following flawed ratings by the big three credit ratings agencies. This happened in the 2008 mortgage securities financial crisis. S&P has stated that it does not support the old system. And new alternatives are appearing for ratings- CreditSights, Rapid Ratings, Kroll Bond Ratings which got S.E.C.' support, and other alternatives still to come....