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Beijing's sensitivity to the Hong kong protests from the ongoing efforts to maintain economic growth in the face of the trade conflict with the U.S. and a tariffs war.

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The Hong Kong protests in 2019 are dividing families as shown in this report in the WSJ. It is about the young who have never known much about China and its recent history in the 20th century and the older parents who have seen China grow from the colonial period to what it is today. As other reports show the part of China called Shenzen that borders Hong Kong has very different perspective of the events there and see the events from the perspective of Beijing. Some of the protest leaders are only in their teenage years and lack the experience needed to help reach some sort of agreement with Chinese leaders. Day after day the two sides are growing further apart and see the protests in a different light. The leadership under Chief Executive Carrie Lam has also not provided some way to bridge the differences. 

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China is still interested in a trade deal with the U.S. even after Mr. Trump signed a bill passed by Congress that it criticized as interference in its internal affairs. Mr. Trump's signing statement gave China an opening to continue its persistent effort to seek a trade deal that would lessen the effect of tariffs on its economy. It mentioned "constitutional authorities with respect to foreign relations," and stated Mr. Trump had signed the bill "out of respect for Mr. Xi, China and Hong Kong." This has credibility because Mr. Trump has consistently supported an effort to bring a peaceful end to protests and any efforts to that end that Mr. Xi has and would continue to make. Both sides see the role of the biggest economies in the trading system as too significant to be affected by different views on Hong Kong, as long as mutual respect is sustained.  

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With Britain preoccupied with Brexit, and the U.S. in a trade dispute with China, Chancellor Merkel remains the only western leader to visit and hold extensive talks with Chinese leaders Li Keqiang and Xi Jinping. She also visits other Chinese cities such as Wuhan and gives a speech at Huazhong University of Science and Technology in Wuhan, in which she commented on the social credit system being implemented in China about the social creditworthiness of individuals and businesses.  Merkel sitting next to premier Li Keqiang in Beijing advocated "that conflicts be resolved without violence and that anything else would be a catastrophe." She called for a peaceful resolution of the situation in Hong Kong and for Hong Kong's rights to be "guaranteed." This is significant because the close cooperation between Germany and China is critical for China today to tackle the economic problems created by the trade disputes with the U.S.  Merkel has a close relationship with Chinese leaders and has visited China many times, giving her the confidence to talk to Chinese leaders without arousing any sensitivities about internal affairs of China. She is the only leader who can speak her mind to Chinese leaders, without offending them. When she used the word "catastrophe" she chose it carefully. It took decades for China to build the trust and relationships with Europe and the U.S. that it has.  Trading relationships matter for both China and western nations and are built on trust and good relations. With the Shenzen region growing faster than Hong Kong, and thinking like Beijing, China could tackle the situation in Hong Kong over a long period. ...

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Cardinal Jospeh Zen of the Catholic Church who supported the democracy protest movement in Hong Kong.

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Joshua Wong of the group Scholarism is 17 years old and just entering college. His arrest and detention of 40 hours for stepping into a government building area led to increased protests. In 2012 Wong was part of protests that led to the withdrawal of a "patriotic classes" plan for Hong Kong schools. Asked what Hong Kong would be like in 10 years, he says, "there will be universal suffrage." The age of the protesters is one remarkable aspect of these protests, as they are not just young, but very young. And this should give Beijing pause, as this is China's next generation. And what seemed right in your own day may not be right around the corner as time passes, as Mr. Jinping and his revolutionary veteran father experienced, struggled with, and overcame in their own lives because of the tolerance of others.

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Areddy describes the choices facing China's president Xi Jinping as he faces protests in Hong Kong demanding the resignation of Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying. Protestors are also calling for canceling of a plan to limit nominations for chief executive to a committee loyal to Beijing. Xi Jinping has experience with Hong Kong affairs as he held the portfolio for Hong Kong affairs as part of the leadership when he was vice president. There are precedents where Beijng has changed course, as it sees it important to put memories of Tiananmen protest suppression behind. In 2003 six years after Britain handed Hong Kong to China -under an agreement for "one country, two systems," that granted separate status and system of government to Hong Kong- an anti-subversion law was pulled back. And the unpopular Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa, a shipping magnate, resigned after 18 months. Beijing has to balance its concern for the "contagion effect" of protests on other parts of China, with the need to maintain the right climate for business and investment in Hong Kong and other financial centres. With slowing growth and limits to overexpanding credit, a crackdown in Hong Kong would further exacerbate problems with the international community, and create tensions in Taiwan about future reintegration with China. China warned foreigners not to interfere, and the American Consulate in Hong Kong stated it "strongly supports Hong Kong's well-established traditions and Basic Law protections of internationally recognized fundamental freedoms, such as freedom of peaceful assembly, freedom of expression and freedom of the press." The British government also pointed to Hong Kong's "fundamental rights and freedoms, including the right to demonstrate," which were in the spirit of the 1997 transfer agreement....

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The Sunflower Movement in Taiwan and public opinion following the Hong Kong student protests.

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Lee Cheuk-yan, chairman of the pro-democracy Labor Party, describes the 17 year old Wong and young people in high schools to a crowd in Hong Kong in this way- these are very young faces, the old men in Hong Kong including many in the elite who dared not to speak up for Hong Kong's cherished traditions and rights out of caution will die, but these young people will carry on. Wong started the group Scholarism as an internet based movement to fight the 2012 "patriotic classes" plan of the Communist Party and Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying. That movement took hold in Hong Kong and the government had to shelve the plan. This time he is fighting for universal suffrage in Hong Kong in 2017 with the right to elect its own leaders without prescreening by the Communist Party. This is in the spirit of the Basic Law, former Hong Kong Governor Chris Patten tells the BBC. Patten helped negotiate the transfer agreement for Hong Kong and handled the transfer in 1997. In August 2014 China changed this intent leading to protest demonstrations. Wong is of Protestant parents who helped stir in him a sense of opposing social injustice. Beyond Hong Kong there is something else at work- a sense that the new leaders in Beijing are choosing the Putin Way that sees these demonstrations as inspired by foreign forces and treating all NGO's as foreign agents. In a larger sense the old leaders are living in a past world of territorial gains and keeping tight grip on power, when the world is now interdependent economically and politically, with change requiring new approaches to problems. The presence of 15 year old high school students and very young generation suggests no such foreign interference, as most of these students are very young....

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After police use of tear gas against protestors in Hong Kong- demanding the resignation of Chief Executive Leung and open elections- crowds swell, and the protests spread from the business district to other parts of the city. A major route on Nathan Road through Hong Kong's Kowloon district was blocked by protestors. Young people, including a management trainee and an assistant engineer in this report, university students and others, were determined to continue the standoff with the government on September 28-30, 2014. The current system is for Beijing to nominate a Chief Executive, and Beijing granted Hong Kong the right to vote for a Chief Executive but only for candidates approved by Beijing.

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Views of students and former Chief Secretary Anson Chan are expressed in this piece by Wan on the protests for more democracy in Hong Kong. Chan says if he had known what Hong Kong would be like today he would not have been so enthusisastic about the handover to China in 1997. He is one of the leaders pushing for a compromise.

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Mr Leung, the highly unpopular Chief Executive of Hong Kong, and target of protesters demanding his resignation and universal suffrage in 2017 as originally promised, is a reserved man who does not interact much with the public. His secondary scholing was at Kings School in Hong Kong followed by studies at Hong Kong Polytechnic for a higher diploma in building surveying. He then studied valuation and estate management at Bristol Polytechnic in Britain graduating in 1977. He was a surveyor by training and worked in this field to help China open up its property markets in the 1980's. By 30 he was made head of the JLW real estate firm's Hong Kong branch, and in 1993 formed his own firm DTZ Debenham. Throughout his life he has worked for or had close ties to the authorites in Beijing in the property field, and has little political experience. In 1985 he was elected to the Hong Kong Basic Law Consultative Committee, and later became its Secretary General. This was followed by a position in the Chinese government as a member of the National Standing Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference till 2012. His first political campaign in 2012 was itself of a limited nature because he only had to win support from members of a 1200 member pro-China, pro-business Executive Council that currently approves nominees and elects the Chief Executive. Albert Ho, one of three candidates in 2012, says Leung was completely insulated from political pressures, political give and take, and uses a "greenhouse" comparison to describe this isolation from the public. His progressive credentials for providing affordable housing involve ideas to open up housing development in territories near Hong Kong appear to be merely election period ideas. The large gaps between rich and poor, or rich and a struggling middle class in Hong Kong- becoming sharply accentuated in China to the point where China is probably one of the most unequal societies similiar to Brazil- are also keenly present in Hong Kong. How much part this plays in the protests is not clear in media reports, though the "Occupy Central" name for one of the protest groups suggests a connection to social issues as well. Protestors may see democratically elected chief executives as more responsive to voter concerns including social, income, housing and other issues, in sharp contrast to more than 1200 well heeled business executives who have prospered greatly in China's boom years. China's national leadership under Jinping and LiKeqiang appeared to sense this income divide as they focussed on extragavant displays of wealth in the transition, but may still have failed to grasp how big that gap has become and how the political processes of rigid control cannot keep up with the times even with the best of intentions. Especially when growth slows and the problems of the boom years such as hyperinflation in property prices and pollution remain unsolved. Bloomberg quietly let the Occupy Wall Sreet protests fizzle out clearing protestors at times, yet voters could peacefully elect Mr. Blasio as Mayor of New York in response, a level to which Beijing's political system has not evolved and to which Hong Kong offers both a challenge and an opportunity. As one protester quoted in the NYT put it- "we are not the enemy, we are the people."...

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A magistate's court in Hong Kong orders Joshua Wong, who led the protests for democracy in Hong Kong, to do 80 hours of community service work for unlawfully entering a fenced area outside Hong Kong's government headquarters on Sept. 26, 2014. Another activist Nathan Law was ordered to do 120 hours of community service. Wong and Law have formed a new party called Demosisto. Law plans to run in the legislative election on Sept 4, 2016. The first pro independence rallies happened in Hong Kong in early August. Wong says he is pushing for self-determination after the "one country, two systems" framework operating since 1997 expires in 2047.

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In addition to the efforts by protests to preserve Hong Kong's special autonomous status, there is a protest by students "Occupy Central," similiar to the "Occupy Wall Street" protests. That aspect of the protest is aimed less at Beijing than at the financial establishment in Hong Kong. Because of its role as financial capital in Asia a lot is at stake for the U.S., Britain, and for China itself, in preserving the special role that Hong Kong has enjoyed for two decades since 1997 transfer from Britain. That independent role and separate status is needed for a world financial centre and access to the best human resources.

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The protests in Hong Kong could end up as a failure because of the lack of any leadership in the movement for Hong Kong rights. In the early stage the lack of leadership helped build up mass support. As the movement grew it also had weakness in the form of a lack of a coherent program for negotiations with the central government in Beijing. The risks inherent in internet mass media communication are apparent as it brings out people in large numbers nd amplifies all grievances, but fails to produce tangible or concrete results as time passes and lack of coherent leadership weakens the mass movement or makes it overreach.  The lack of communication between the Hong Kong government and protesters with Carrie Lam Hong Kong's CEO not meeting them also led to a lack of a negotiated way out.  This overreach is what Friedman talks about in the NYT saying that the limited universal suffrage offered by China in 2014, with Beijing crossing off candidates openly critical of it, should have been accepted by Hong Kong protesters in negotiated settlement with some protections. The 1200 electoral body would vote for which candidates should stand for election in the Beijing formula. This was not such a bad thing as it offered limited suffrage where there was none in China, says Friedman. By rejecting that formula the protesters gained little because the "perfect" is not always the best option or a practical option when all the realities are taken into account. This is happening again in 2019 with the protesters and Beijing moving further apart and creating a bigger gap with very little constructive communication between the two sides. The efforts to bring the U.S. into protecting Hong Kongers rights by protestors marching to the U.S. consulate also could be seen as going too far by the rest of the people of mainland China, as the U.S. has its own problems including growing inequalities and confrontation between different socio-economic groups. The gradual shift to more disruptive tactics and confrontation with police led to damage to public structures that affected the image of the protesters. The overall lack of a coherent leadership that could negotiate some form of agreement for the future is now seen as a problem for the protest movement. It could lead to a failure to secure the Hong Kong rights protestors seek, says Friedman in the NYT, creating a story of missed opportunities with missing communication, missing negotiation around a "do-able" agenda that builds on common ground between the opposite parties. ...

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The Economist magazine says China needs to find a way for Chinese citizens to participate in governance without risking the kinds of upheavals that have happened in the past, including Tiananmen. One way to do this is to see Hong Kong more as opportunity than threat, and allow an experiment to happen in a place ideally suited for this with its long traditions of free expression. Jinping is faced with a chance to do his country a great service.