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President Obama's address at the White House on financial regulatory reform. They cover all aspects of the financial system, and focus on the structural deficiencies that were evident in this crisis from the late night meetings needed to resolve the situations at Lehman, AIG and other financial firms, because no structure existed for an orderly resolution. The decision was made to give the Fed powers - for both the responsibility and the accountability to be clear- to resolve these situations and to set new rules that ensure that risks do not build up in the system. Besides the Fed's new powers, a new oversight council consisting of regulators from all areas is expected to monitor risks and assess areas of weakness. The other critical aspect is the consumer protection agency. Its job will be to ensure openness, fair-dealing and transparency take place for financial products like mortgages, credit cards and other loans. Other areas of weakness in the financial system in which players are able to game the system or thwart the proper functioning of free markets, are addressed one by one. By not scrapping the old system and building from there- instead preferring to correct areas of weakness akin to major remodeling of an old structure like you find in major European cities- Obama says he understands that "markets are not an unalloyed force for good or evil" as zealous free marketers or those who see the ills of capitalism in its raw form would have one believe. So he goes on to say " in many ways our financial system reflects us." The most government can do, or the best it can do -and it becomes a necessary obligation of government for markets to function correctly- is to set the rules of the road correctly, rules of openness, fair-dealing and transparency; the rest is upto us....

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A summary of President Obama's financial regualory reform proposal by the WSJ Washington Wire. The official document is titled, A New Foundation: Rebuilding Financial Supervision and Regulation, running 89 pages.

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NYT exhortation for Congress to resist the lobbying pressures of the banks to weaken regulation for a Consumer Protection Agency and derivatives trading on exchanges. The first by amending legislation for a Consumer Protection Agency so that no states can pass tougher consumer protection laws, something that prevented states from protecting consumers from abuses in the mortgage business. The second to propose legislation for derivatives trading that allows corporations and hedge funds to trade derivatives privately. NYT editorial says Congress should require all derivatives dealers and users -banks, hedge funds and corporations- conduct their trades on exchanges where they are reglulations and public scrutiny. NYT responds to the banks and corporations that say this would raise their transaction costs to hedge any given risk, by saying that this is debatable. Greater transparency should reduce costs but even if there were some higher costs it would be outweighed by the larger benefits to the banks themselves and the country through the lower systemwide risks. ...

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Complicity of elites is a key question in the Epstein scandal. Even when some of this was known the seriousness of it was ignored by elites. About the Mandelson scandal that is rocking Britain in the beginning of February 2026 with questions for Keir Starmer, it can be said that elites just had too much awe and respect for the major centers in the world of finance or sought ot be part of that world when these centers of finance had themselves lost their sense of purpose in the Nation, as Labour's Mandelson did. In the larger sense of the influence of the financial industry on elites in the events leading to the 2009 financial crisis where the name Bear Stearns comes up repeatedly, of the pharmaceutical industry on elites in 2026, it could be said that the influence on policymaking elites is a pernicious one. As Teddy Roosevelt points out in Chapter 5 of his Autobiography titled Applied Idealism, some elites had too much respect and awe for big financial interests. TR wrote of these elites in his time- "Some of the men foremost in the struggle for Civil Service Reform have taken a position of honorable leadership in the battle for those other and more vital reforms. But many of them promptly abandoned the field of effort for decency when the battle took the form, not of a fight agains the petty grafting of small bosses and small politicians- a vitally necessary battle, be it remembered- but of a fight against the great entrenched powers of privilege, a fight to secure justice through the law for ordinary men and women, instead of leaving them to suffer cruel injustice either because the law failed to protect them  or because it was twisted from its legitimate purpose into a means for oppressing them." ...

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Paul Volcker outlined the work remaining to be done to make the U.S. financial system safe in an interview with Gretchen Morgenson in October 2011. On Fannie and Freddie he says it is important to get rid of Fannie and Freddie at the first opportunity, because they simply shouldn't exist, and it was a mistake to have institutions of this type that mix profit making private opportunities with an implicit government guarantee. If a government wants to help low income people find housing, subsidize them directly, don't do it in this way by hiding the liability behind a quasi-private institution, says Volcker, in the interview with Gretchen Morgenson of the New York Times. Volcker sees a point of vulnerability in the industry of money market mutual funds, which operate without reserve requirements and capital requirements. The money market funds did a huge amount of lending to European banks and aggravated the pressures on them when they pulled back. One way to correct this is to require mutual funds to post the value of their assets every day to reflect market fluctuations. Safeguards on bank deposit accounts, such as FDIC insurance and bank capital requirements, do not exist for money market mutual funds. Other areas Volcker emphasized are strong enforceable capital requirements for banks, making derivatives transparent and standardizing them, and rotating auditors....

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An assessment of the Financial Regulatory Reform that is emerging in House and Senate Bills. Yes reforms will be passed but will they prevent another crisis and are they tackling the root causes of the financial crisis. The assessment here is that they fail on both accounts. According to Christopher Whalen of the Institutional Risk Analyst it tackles the symptoms more than it responds to the causes of the crisis. He sees the response in the areas of derivatives trading, credit ratings agencies, consumer proteciton agency, as inadequate to meet a future crisis.

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This WSJ article provides a detailed account of the positions of Clinton and Trump on Wall Street, the financial industry, banks, Dodd-Frank, regulatory reform, 6 weeks before the U.S. presidential election.

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Morgenson says that the lobbying by the financial inudstry to weaken reform efforts for derivatives trading and resisting other reforms will only lead to taxpayers paying for more rescues later on.

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Former Fed chairman sees the "resolution agency" as a key feature of new financial reform legislation in Congress. This agency would have the power to takeover a large troubled financial institution. It would have the authority to quickly shut it down and this would make it less likely for large financial institutions to take risks knowing the federal government would rescue them.

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This New York Times editorial asks whose side the Republicans are on when they try to water down needed financial reforms. Are they simply speaking for the banks who stand to lose billions of dollars in profits through unregulated derivates trading but increase systemwide financial risk. The NYT supports senator Blance Lincoln, an Arkansas Democrat who is chairwoman of the agriculture committee, and who took a strong position in favor of controlling derivatives. Her proposal requires nearly all derivatives be traded on exchanges with exemptions only for unique contracts which would be supervised by regulators, and for a strictly defined group of companies with specific purposes.

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Bank of England's governor Mervyn King disgrees with the Gordon Brown government on the issues of financial regulatory reforms.

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Gary Gensler's first year as chairman of the Commodities Futures Trading Commission, the regulatory agency for the U.S. derivatives markets. The writing of rules for the derivatives markets as required by the Dodd-Frank financial reform legislation has slowed down. A former CFTC official, Michael Greenberger, says there is no governance at all in the derivatives markets and it will take five years before all derivatives are fully brought into a new structure. Derivatives played a major role in the 2008 financial crisis.

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Neal Wolin, Michael Barr and Diana Farrell who had roles in the Clinton administration are now key figures in the effort to get financial reform legislation through Congress against resistance from well funded lobbying groups. Farrell is one of two deputies to Lawrence Summers, Obama's senior economic advisor. Michael Barr is Assistant Treasury Secretary for financial institutions. Both Wolin and Barr worked at Treasury during the Clinton administration. After Clinton left office Wolin went to work for Hartford Financial Group and Barr went to teach at the University of Michigan. Barr has helped formulate much of the policy-making.

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Theo Lubke was head of the Financial Infrastructure Department in the Banking Supervision Group, and was a key member working for reforms in the derivatives market. He oversaw efforts at the Fed to have Wall Street centrally clear trades in credit default swaps, which helps control the risk of a firm's failure. Lubke will join Goldman Sachs as a managing director in the securities division, and will help Goldman implement the facets of regulatory reform legislation. Prior to his 15 years at the New York Fed, Lubke worked on the staff of the National Economic Council under President Clinton, and worked as an investment-banking analyst at Lehman Brothers.

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Mario Monti says he had to do things quickly after his financial emergency government took office in 2011. There was less consultation and most of the initial reforms were done under pressure from the EU and a crisis situation in financial markets. Change takes some time to accomplish, says Monti, his period in offfice was too brief to tackle the entrenched interests and bureucracy. He and many of the cabinet had never been part of any government, yet had to act quickly. The oath of office on Nov. 16, "Save Italy" decree on Dec. 4. His government simply told the unions this is the pernsion reform, did not consult with them. As the crisis receded the pressure receded, and with 2013 elections approaching the political parties were back to electoral politics. Monti's view is that for decades the interest and corporatist groups have taken over government. Under the right, the inital mood of change gave way to takeover by entrenched interests leading to no changes under Berlusconi. The left feared pension reform would hurt them politically. If he had five years, Monti says, he would have tackled the bureaucracy the first day. In the end, Monti views his coming to Rome as landing from Mars, someone from the outside tackling deepseated problems in a short time frame. An assessment of Monti's contribution should take this into account. He was unpopular for the austerity measures which may have deepened the recession. Yet his contribution was in bringing a new seriousness to Italy's problems after decades of neglect by both the right and the left in Italian politics and government, and by corporatist interests in government. The beginning made by Monti, now gives Matteo Renzi a chance to make the tougher changes needed for Italy to return to growth....