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This report from Myamar's capital Naypyidaw, says the capital with six lane highways with hardly any cars is symbolic of Myanmar since independence from the British in 1948. For most of this period it has been ruled by the military which keeps a distance from the prior capital Rangoon because of protests for democracy. He points out that western disillusionment with Aung suu Kyi comes from a failure to understand her position as a counselor not allowed to assume the presidency because her children are British citizens, that most of the key ministries are controlled by the military. She is a symbolic head following the 2015 elections and needs to work with the military in a long term effort to bring Myanmar into the community of nations after decades of isolation. Reporting from Myanmar Cohen of the NYT says it is necessary to understand this to understand Myanmar today and Suu Kyi's reticence in the face of the crisis from Bangladeshi migrants becoming one third of the population of the northern region of Rakhine. Cohen also points out that behind the image of Buddhist Burma in western eyes is a region of tropical jungles in the north with minority communities that came under British rule in Burma, and the fears of losing their identity of Burmese Buddhists in the Rangoon region. Cohen ends with a plea to give Suu Kyi more time and to remember her "letters from Burma" about the need for the rule of law and how the long traumas of military rule have affected a whole generation of Burmese children. It is easy he says for western media who have not faced down guns to de sanctify Kyi's image, but she remains the last hope for Myanmar in what he calls a game that is being played out with military rulers over a long, long period. ...

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In an overwhelming victory in Burma's 2015 general election Aung San Suu Kyi's party wins 80% of the vote, with the military backed party winning only 41 seats of 491 seats in parliament. The National League for Democracy wins 397 seats. Both sides underestimated their strength. Suu Kyi supporters estimated they would get 60% of the vote, and the military expected to win about 130 seats. The 1990 elections and Suu Kyi's victory were annulled by the military. This time Suu Kyi will appoint the president, as she is banned from taking office under the military drafted constitution. It has taken 25 years for the change in Burma. China and India supported the military rulers in Burma, while the U.S. and UK consistently opposed the military. India a regional democracy put regional considerations ahead of democratic process, showing how even democratic governments failed to respond, especially when the military cracked down on Buddhist temples in 2007. Mrs Bush, Hillary Clinton, and other Americans showed strong support for Suu Kyi throughout her house arrest following the 1990 election. Hillary Clinton visited Myanmar as U.S. Secretary of State in 2011 to show her support for Suu Kyi, which may have set the process in motion for the 2015 free election in Burma. ...

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Japan's efforts to rebuild Myanmar's economy and infrastructure after decades of stagnation under a military regime.

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Myanmar's economy shows slower growth in the early period of the Suu Kyi administration. Experts say part of the reason is that the administration has slowed investment in petroleum and mining and pushed it in favor of other areas to diversify the economy. The inexperience of the government is also an issue, as Myanmar needs workplace reforms. The IMF says growth should improve to 7.5% after 6.3% growth in 2016. The government is in office for only about 2 years, and this comes after decades of mismanagement and cronyism under military rule. Another problem is that Suu Kyi is considered a micromanager and is only now delegating matters to experts, some from Australia. In a sign of the sluggish foreign investment the two American companies investing in Burma are Coca Cola and a can making company. The initial enthusiasm for investment has waned. 

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The lack of economic opportunities for an increasingly urbanized African younger generation is a major challenge. The median age of 19 makes Africa the world's youngest continent. Megacities are growing up in places such as Lagos and Kinshasha as millions leave subsistence farming to go to cities. Unlike Asia and Latin American countries men and women are coming to shantytowns in cities at a time when Africa is much poorer for a similar level of urbanization that Asian and Latin American nations reached decades earlier. In 1993 this WSJ analysis and graphs show the Asian emerging economies and sub Saharan Africa had similar GDP per capita of $2415, by 2019 this was $4000 for Africa and $12,000 for Asian emerging economies. Latin America was at $10,000 in 1993 and in 2019 was at about $15,000. The gap widened considerably between Asia and African countries. Asian emerging economies increased GDP to 5 time from the same starting point as Africa in 1993, Africa doubled GDP over the period of 25 years to 2019. Latin America started from a much higher point and increased GDP by only 50% over 25 years. Asian economies that performed better over this period did better because of stable even entrenched governments such as in Singapore with Le Kuan Yew and in China with stable successive governments under CPC leadership of prime minister Deng. The difference in Asia was a commitment across all classes and groups to development, a sense of development as a way to make up for the years lost under colonialism of foreign powers in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. A sense of correcting historical injustice and wrongs. This is a missing ingredient in the processes unfolding in Latin America and Africa in the last 25 years. ...