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Joshua Wong of the group Scholarism is 17 years old and just entering college. His arrest and detention of 40 hours for stepping into a government building area led to increased protests. In 2012 Wong was part of protests that led to the withdrawal of a "patriotic classes" plan for Hong Kong schools. Asked what Hong Kong would be like in 10 years, he says, "there will be universal suffrage." The age of the protesters is one remarkable aspect of these protests, as they are not just young, but very young. And this should give Beijing pause, as this is China's next generation. And what seemed right in your own day may not be right around the corner as time passes, as Mr. Jinping and his revolutionary veteran father experienced, struggled with, and overcame in their own lives because of the tolerance of others.

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A magistate's court in Hong Kong orders Joshua Wong, who led the protests for democracy in Hong Kong, to do 80 hours of community service work for unlawfully entering a fenced area outside Hong Kong's government headquarters on Sept. 26, 2014. Another activist Nathan Law was ordered to do 120 hours of community service. Wong and Law have formed a new party called Demosisto. Law plans to run in the legislative election on Sept 4, 2016. The first pro independence rallies happened in Hong Kong in early August. Wong says he is pushing for self-determination after the "one country, two systems" framework operating since 1997 expires in 2047.

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Carrie Lam, the chief executive of Hong Kong, who has struggled through the crisis triggered by the extradition bill she introduced has decided to finally withdraw it. Protests have gone beyond the issue of the extradition bill as Lam herself agrees. She pointed out in her video message that the protests are about housing, land supply, income distribution, social justice, mobility, and many social, economic issues in addition to political ones. Protestors have five demands and the freeing of all those arrested is not something Lam has agreed to. Lam says some protestors violated the rule of law. Protest leaders including Joshua Wong, see the withdrawing of the extradition bill as poor timing. Hong Kong has seen 13 weeks of protests and the pictures are all over the world showing how much the issues and the the lack of responsiveness of Carrie Lam has resulted in this standoff.  Lam would like to replace the confrontations with police "with conversations." Why she took so long to meet or seek meetings and conversations is not fully understood and will be discussed for a long time. This brought China to the brink of a crisis that would have repercussions including on trade issues, when it needed to be handled in a better way. ...

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Joshua Rosner of investment bank Graham Fisher thinks the Citi rescue plan still does not go far enough, as the toxic assets still remain on Citi's books, and as long as home prices are declining the losses are increasing. The ultimate level of losses will be higher as they are pushed forward in a world of declining home prices.

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Carrie Lam, Chief Secretary for Administration of Hong Kong SAR government from 2012-2017, led the negotiations on Beijing's side with the Hong Kong movement for more autonomy. She did not back down in the negotiations and is favored by Beijing over the former Financial Secretary Mr. Tsang. Tsang spent some years in the U.S. compared to Lam who spent some time in the UK for education. Chinese official are skeptical of Mr Tsang because he said in the past that more legitimacy for Beijing could be gained with further autonomy for Hong Kong.  Tsang is supported by the autonomy movement in the election to be decided by the 1200 member election committee, and Ms. Lam by pro-Beijing members. Tsang also has good relations with the Chinese government and has higher popularity with the public, but his early years in the U.S. are paradoxically making Chinese officials skeptical, even though Ms. Lam's husband and two sons are British citizens.

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Jimmy Lai is one of the prominent Hong Kong businessmen who have actively spoken up for universal suffrage without screening of candidates by the government, instead of sitting by on the sidelines. He says he is not talking to the student leaders, and it is upto the young generation to take the initiative as it is about their future. At age 12 Lai was smuggled into Hong Kong by parents in Guangdong province in 1960, making him one of the older generation who has lived through the many changes in Hong Kong- from the British period, through the years of turmoil on the mainland in the seventies, the transition period and transfer to China under the Basic Law. He worked in factories instead of going to school, and later started his own clothing chain Giordano, followed by a move into media publishing. He is the publisher of the Apple daily and Next magazine publications which support the pro-democracy student movement. Lai says the roots of student protest are in the May Fourth Movement of 1919, a cherished part of Chinese history because it led to the awakening of China, sparked the interest in breaking away from the past leading to modernization, lasting for 2 decades till the Japanese invasion and Communist control. Lai says the protest movement is more mature than the movement in China at Tiananmen in June 1989. Another factor that makes this different is that the protest in Hong Kong does not chart out an indefinite future for China just when it is embarking on the path to modernization, the situation facing a cautious Deng in 1989 who experienced the chaos of the sixties and seventies. The movement in Hong Kong is about reinstating what is felt to be in the spirit of the Basic Law- universal suffrage in its true spirit and intent without prescreening candidates for 2017- it is a limited objective and does not risk the modernization drive, more likely to enhance it by keeping dialogue with the outside world open as China looks for new ideas to tackle many prblems left behind from the industrialization period of 1990-2014. ...

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Cardinal Jospeh Zen of the Catholic Church who supported the democracy protest movement in Hong Kong.

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Mr Leung, the highly unpopular Chief Executive of Hong Kong, and target of protesters demanding his resignation and universal suffrage in 2017 as originally promised, is a reserved man who does not interact much with the public. His secondary scholing was at Kings School in Hong Kong followed by studies at Hong Kong Polytechnic for a higher diploma in building surveying. He then studied valuation and estate management at Bristol Polytechnic in Britain graduating in 1977. He was a surveyor by training and worked in this field to help China open up its property markets in the 1980's. By 30 he was made head of the JLW real estate firm's Hong Kong branch, and in 1993 formed his own firm DTZ Debenham. Throughout his life he has worked for or had close ties to the authorites in Beijing in the property field, and has little political experience. In 1985 he was elected to the Hong Kong Basic Law Consultative Committee, and later became its Secretary General. This was followed by a position in the Chinese government as a member of the National Standing Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference till 2012. His first political campaign in 2012 was itself of a limited nature because he only had to win support from members of a 1200 member pro-China, pro-business Executive Council that currently approves nominees and elects the Chief Executive. Albert Ho, one of three candidates in 2012, says Leung was completely insulated from political pressures, political give and take, and uses a "greenhouse" comparison to describe this isolation from the public. His progressive credentials for providing affordable housing involve ideas to open up housing development in territories near Hong Kong appear to be merely election period ideas. The large gaps between rich and poor, or rich and a struggling middle class in Hong Kong- becoming sharply accentuated in China to the point where China is probably one of the most unequal societies similiar to Brazil- are also keenly present in Hong Kong. How much part this plays in the protests is not clear in media reports, though the "Occupy Central" name for one of the protest groups suggests a connection to social issues as well. Protestors may see democratically elected chief executives as more responsive to voter concerns including social, income, housing and other issues, in sharp contrast to more than 1200 well heeled business executives who have prospered greatly in China's boom years. China's national leadership under Jinping and LiKeqiang appeared to sense this income divide as they focussed on extragavant displays of wealth in the transition, but may still have failed to grasp how big that gap has become and how the political processes of rigid control cannot keep up with the times even with the best of intentions. Especially when growth slows and the problems of the boom years such as hyperinflation in property prices and pollution remain unsolved. Bloomberg quietly let the Occupy Wall Sreet protests fizzle out clearing protestors at times, yet voters could peacefully elect Mr. Blasio as Mayor of New York in response, a level to which Beijing's political system has not evolved and to which Hong Kong offers both a challenge and an opportunity. As one protester quoted in the NYT put it- "we are not the enemy, we are the people."...

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The comments attributed to Chief Executive Leung during the election in 2012 about supporting the use of riot police against protestors opposing an anti subversion law in 2003, and his use of tear gas against demonstrators, have infuriated people in Hong Kong. Toeing the Beijing line without consideration of Hong Kong people is making life diificult for Leung. Particularly because of revelations made in the 2012 election campaign that he could not have at the age of 31 been appointed to the committee on the drafting of the Basic Law unless he was a member of the Communist Party. Because of his huge unpopularity Wong says it may be easier for Chinese president Jinping to dismiss Leung and placate Hong Kong people, as a first step. This could be followed by more discussion on the issue of universal suffrage and free elections without prescreening of candiates by the Communist Party.