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A Flash Eurobarometer poll before French elections in 2017 show 56% of Europeans in the EU saying the euro is a good thing, only 36% saying its not, those saying its good at 64% in Germany, and being 57% in Spain, and 53% in France. Walker of the WSJ says the euro has survived the crises of the last few years, with some but not all the steps taken to avoid a repeat of the problems, and public opinion still favoring the eurozone as it looks forward to economic growth in coming years. The middle class is not attracted to risking its savings in euro denominated assets, costs of the turmoil that might be caused by leaving the euro act as a signal for caution, and in Southern Europe countries remember the days before the euro with devaluations and high inflation. With gradual economic recovery it appears that the euro is still the best option there is. Surveys show three fourths of the French oppose leaving the euro, and experts say the euro is not to blame for France's slow economic recovery- more confidence and political stability with economic renewal are seen as the ways to get France going again. This may be why the national elections in France will likely bring a president who is pro-EU. ...

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 Mayor Reiter of Munich, Christian Kern, head of Austrian railway OBB, say here that the actions of Viktor Orban of Hungary gave the German government very little time, only a few hours, to act. The first motivation was to act in a humanitarian way, which is what happened. The German government had asked Orban to register and handle immigrants in an orderly way. In the end with the failure of Orban to do this, the immigrants who would have come north anyway, streamed into Germany and Austria in buses and trains. Clearly Hungary and Germany could have handled this better. The German public provided support with a large number of volunteers helping. One German minister is cited here as saying that if Orban wanted to build a fence he should have done it in a quiet way, as there are fences between Bulgaria and Turkey, and Turkey and Greece and it has not bothered anyone.

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The questions about LIBOR rate manipulation were first raised in front page articles in the Wall Street Journal in spring 2008. In 2013 Deutsche Bank's U.S. financial systems were strongly criticized by the U.S. Federal Reserve. In April 2015 Deutsche Bank made a $2.5 billion legal settlement with the U.S. and British regulators for LIBOR rate rigging and admitted wrongdoing. It took BaFin the German regulator a long time to flag these irregularities in a strong manner, in its letter to Deutsche Bank. The comments in the Senior Management Review section of its report for the first time expressed in this level of detail the problems at Deutsche Bank, including problems with 11 current or former executives of Deutsche Bank. The letter and report were sent to the bank's management board May 11, 2015. A month later co-CEO's Anshu Jain and Jurgen Fritschen resigned. Ba Fin's top supervisor of large banks, Frauke Menke sent the letter. By the time BaFin acted many other regulators had already flagged the problems at the bank, and the media including the WSJ had already covered the problems in great detail. Between the first report in the WSJ on Libor rate irregularities and the May 11, 2015 report was a period of 7 years. ...

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The Wall Street Journal's editorial columns have followed closely the working of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac over the years. Especially during the last decade, when most of the excesses, missteps and failures in the operations of the two companies occurred at huge cost to the US economy and to taxpayers. The Journal quotes from the recent Treasury report on the planned winding down of the two agencies. And focusses attention on the question of what will replace Fannie and Freddie. Only the first of three options looks viable considering the goals of reducing misallocation of national resources, and winding down the federal government's role in housing, says the Journal. With this Option the federal government guarantees are limited to Federal Housing Administration (FHA) loans to low income buyers and VA assistance for veterans and farm programs- narrow segments that limits the guarantee strictly to 10-15% of the mortgage market. The Journal says that the conclusions of the Treasury report are what WSJ has been saying for 20 years: " The strength of this option is that it would minimize distortions in capital allocation across sectors, reduce moral hazard in mortgage lending and drastically reduce direct taxpayer exposure to private lender's losses." And the points about the benefits: " With less incentive to invest in housing, more capital will flow into other areas of the economy, potentially leading to more long-run economic growth and reducing the inflationary pressure on housing assets. Risk throughout the system may also be reduced, as private actors will not be as inclined to take on excessive risk without the assurance of a government guarantee behind them. And finally, direct taxpayer risk exposure to private losses in the mortgage market would be limited to the loans guaranteed by FHA and other narrowly targeted government loan programs: no longer would taxpayers be at direct risk for guarantees covering most of the nation's mortgages." This bit of wisdom is especially significant, as misallocation of capital that went on in housing for the better part of the last decade has hurt America and the American people. It makes sense to have explicit money allocated by Congress for housing help to the poor and have no housing guarantees that have hurt the economy....

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The changes that have come over president Obama include a wearing off of the enthusiasm and sense of new beginnings of 2008. From many possibilities to a a sense of limited possibilities during the second term. From the excitement of a new and novel candidate as Ivy law school "community activist" and able story teller of mixed race upbringings originating in Kenya, to the billion dollar fundraising candidate and mixed record of the second term.

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Britain's National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) says Glaxo's drug Benlysta for lupus is not "good value for money." The drug is priced at 10,000 pounds a year in the U.K. ($15,600) and much higher at $35,000 a year in the U.S. Benlysta is covered by insurers in the U.S. and some European state run health systems according to Glaxo. NICE also rejected a new multiple sclerosis drug Gilenya, which costs 19,000 pounds a year in the U.K. ($29,700), and $48,000 a year in the U.S.

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Ford's downsizing of its Visteon auto parts operations and sale of Visteon plants as part of its restructuring effort under Mulally and Fields. The downsizing of Visteon and the way it was handled helped Ford avoid the bankruptcy experienced by GM, say experts.

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Protests in Egypt follow the protests in Tunisia against decades of one-party rule. The lack of freedom of expression in Arab countries as government and politics are controlled by the same party and leader for decades.

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Ignatius of the Washington Post presents the Egyptian protests from the lens of Obama's personal encounter with authoritarian regimes in his boyhood experiences in Indonesia and Kenya. This is covered in Obama's first book, "Dreams from My Father." Ignatius points to the movements in Indonesia and the Philippines that ousted dictators Marcos and Suharto as evidence that positive models exist for transition to democratic government after long spells of authoritarian rule. This is a view different from the pessimism expressed by Charles Krauthammer in the Washington Post on the same day- February 4, 2011- as the largest pro-democracy demonstrations were underway in Egypt. Krauthammer cites the situation in Gaza and Iran. The Wall Street Journal editorial on the same day says that Gaza is a bad example, because Hamas was allowed to contest the election without the necessary groundwork being laid; as an exception by US Secretary of State Rice. The WSJ editorial stands by the liberal democratic openings to democracy established by Bush, and earlier supported by Reagan at the Berlin Wall. The situation in Iran is actually that the elections were stolen by the Ahmadinejhad government, just as they have been stolen in Belarus, so it also may not be a good example. Ignatius points to Obama's experience as post-colonial but at the same time his administration's handling of the crisis so far has been generally described in the US media as of being caught by surprise by events and not being able to take a clear stand. ...