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Republican governors hold governorships in 30 states in the U.S. They have a different perspective on the expansion of Medicaid envisaged in the healthcare law, as long term funding for the expansion is uncertain. With the deficit reduction planned in negotiations between president Obama and the Republican controlled House the outlook for money going to state funding is precarious.

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Former Senator Jim DeMint lays out his reasoning for the Republican fight to defund ObamaCare, as the healthcare legislation is now called by Republicans. He points to problems with the legislation with issues about how much the added entitlements will cost in the future( more than the $250 billion by 2023 estimate of CBO insists DeMint based on the general lowballing of projections), and higher premiums for the young and elderly on exchanges. He says the 2012 elections were fought on economic issues not ObamaCare, and that the public he has met in visits to different states as president of the Heritage Foundation continues to be skeptical about ObamaCare. He sees the correct role of the Opposition party to point out the deficiencies in the law and call for corrections in the path for healthcare.

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Former Louisiana fovernor Bobby Jindal comes under severe criticism from the Washington Post for policies it says hurt the poor by turning down federal Medicaid funds under Obamacare, for using rainy day funds, and cutting spending on education and other needed programs in the state. It says Jindal pursued Grover Norquist's no tax pledge leading to spending cuts in the state and budget gaps, merely to appeal to voters in the GOP presidential primaries. Jindal's appeal to Republican voters actually fell sharply because of unpopular policies and he did not qualify for participation in the presidential televised Republican debates. Republican voters turned to outside candidates such as Trump, Carson and others.

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A second inaugural address in which Obama outlines his priorities and liberal vision of America.

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Leonhardt points out a couple of problems with Paul Ryan's budget proposal for Medicare. He says Medicare recipients, with the exception of the very affluent, currently haven't paid enough for the benefits they receive. He cites a study that shows Medicare pays out several hundreds of thousands of dollars for the average retiree more than they ever paid in. Medicare funds go for hospital expenses, the rest for doctors bills come from general government revenues. Government borrowing increasing the national debt to unsustainable levels so that current retirees do not have to pay higher taxes, is simply shifting the burden to the next generation. He says the Ryan plan shields those who will retire in the next 10 years because they are a powerful voting bloc, making this more of a political calculation than a bold reform step, as this means younger people will have to bear a disproportionate share of the burden. The other part of Ryan's calculus is that it has proven extremely difficult to reduce the volume of medical care that is consumed in terms of tests, lack of preventive care leading to graver problems, and surgeries. Simply by shifting a larger share of the cost to future retirees this will have an effect on the volume of medical care consumed and put a lid on costs. This is something that needs to happen says Leonhardt, but at the same time all Americans need to share in the higher taxes that are necessary to fund Medicare, exempting 75 million Americans only creates an imbalance in contributions. The other problem with this is that the costs of this exempted group will postpone serious deficit reduction for ten years....

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This leader in The Economist reviews an essay in the magazine's October 8-14th, 2016 edition by U.S. president Obama. In it Obama points to the unfinished tasks of his presidency and what comes next as tasks to be done for the U.S. economy. The Economist points out the problems in the 2016 election campaign where there is a lack of discussion of economic issues as a serious problem. Obama lists as priorities efforts to improve conditions of people left out in the recovery, reducing inequality, offering more job opportunities, and increasing productivity.

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Sheila Bair says she fears the next crisis will start in Washington. Bair points to the need for urgent action along the lines recommended by the Bowles-Simpson Deficit Commission. Areas identified by Bowles-Simpson should be tackled as early as possible, she says - tax subsidies for housing and health care that lead to misallocation of resources, defense spending, special-interest provisions. She points out that the increase in the deficit is a result of the unwillingness of governments over the last two decades to make the hard choices necessary to control the structural deficit. Total federal debt doubled in the last 7 years, to almost $14 trillion, or about $100,000 for every American household. Bair, as Chairman of the FDIC, played a critical role in the efforts to control the US financial crisis of 2008-2009. Relentless federal borrowing she says, undermines the confidence private investors have in US government obligations. The cost for bond investors and others to purchase insurance against a default by the US governmet went up from 2 basis points in January 2007 to 100 basis points in early 2009, and is now at 41 basis points. With 70% of US Treasury obligations held by private investors scheduled to mature in 5 years, a decline in investor confidence would lead to higher government and private borrowing costs. She writes this just as the debt crisis in Ireland is taking place, following the one in Greece, and contagion to Portugal and Spain is feared. Bair fears a similar loss of confidence in US public debt. High and volatile interest rates could lead to losses for financial institutions holding Treasury debt and raise funding costs for depository institutions....

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This WSJ editorial says president Obama's second inaugural address missed the opportunity to bind old wounds with a reference to King on Martin Luther King day. The president chose to set forth a broader liberal agenda including climate change. The editorial points to the tone of the inaugural as setting the tone for the rest of the term and the possibility of return to the rancor that characterized the first term. "We the People" from the Consititution was mentioned several times in the sense of "collective action" that defined this text as government action. The programs of Medicare Medicaid and Social Security as "committments we make to each other." And the programs "do not make us a nation of takers; they free us to take the risks that make this country great," which are seen by the Journal as not appropriate for an Inaugural address that rises above the fray of politics.

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A shift to a limited agenda based on increasing the minimum wage, immigration reform and use of executive orders to get things done.

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Brooks on the Obama inaugural address- what it said about America's progressive character and the need for collective action, and what it left out about the individual initiative and innovation that made America what it is today.