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This article in The Economist magazine looks at the internal debate in Germany after the July crisis in Greece following a "no" referendum and the position taken by Germany on turning down any ideas on debt renegotiation to reduce the debt burden. Centre right parties say this is simply enforcing the rules. The left parties say this is moving Germany to post post-nationalist. German chancellor Kohl and post war Germany took the position that Germany was a "post-national society." Thomas Mann, a well known German writer, said Germany needed to come out " not for a German Europe, but for a European Germany." And Hans Dietrich Genscher, a foreign minister stated that Germany's only interest was that of the EU. This was a recognition of the situation of the idea presented since reunification in 1871 that the new country was too large for a balance of power in Europe, yet too small to impose its will on Europe. This was shown in the July negotiations when chancellor Merkel accepted the position put forward by Valls and Hollande of France that a Greek exit from the eurozone was not an option. Germany did not seek to impose its will, say centre right parties. In fact chancellor Merkel sees Britain as a serious partner and cannot understand why some in her party can see no problem with a British exit from the EU. In fact many people in Germany will be relieved when this phase of the crisis is over, when the diminishing of moral hazard makes it possible to consider debt reduction for Greece and the austerity programs have introduced discipline to national budgets, so that the next phase of tighter and closer union for the European Union can take place- restoring Germany's aspirations for a "post-nationalist society." ...

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Europe's 750 billon euros plan to defend the euro currency, including 60 billion of EU backed bonds, a $440 billion euro fund guaranteed by euro-zone countries, and upto 250 billion euros of IMF money. The plan buys time for the troubled economies of Portugal, Spain and other EU countries, but does not address the fiscal and structural flaws that are endangering the European single currency experiment. The "no bail-out" clause and the stability and growth pact proved worthless in implementation. Sanctions for a country with growing problem of deficits did not work and had soon lost credibility, with the financial markets themselves recognizing the serious problems of some deficit countries only when things had spun out of control. Some other forms of sanctions will have to be figured out and mechanisms of dealing with financial panic such as sovereign debt restructuring need to be put in place. The German emphasis on too sharp budget cuts may have the danger of pushing deficit countries into deflation as well as creating strong popular unrest. ...

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New rules for euro currency nations in Sept. 2011. The rules provide for sanctions against countries with budget deficits exceeding 3% of GDP, and national debt exceeding 60% of GDP. Countries that break the rules will be required to make a cash deposit in a non-interest bearing account for an amount that is 0.2% of GDP. If the situation continues the deposit becomes a fine. The European Commission will still require finance ministers permission to impose sanctions, but the voting system makes this harder to block. The European Parliament will consider 6 pieces of legislation to make these changes.

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As the two leaders Cameron and Merkel visit the exhibition on Germany at the British Museum, efforts are made to improve ties and keep Britain in the European Union. Merkel says about one of the contentious issues that she supports freedom of movement in the EU, but no abuse of that right by claiming unemployment benefits. Immigration is emerging as an issue in the upcoming British general election. Cameron and Merkel share similiar views on economic policy and a conservative philosophy. Merkel tells a joint news conference: "Ofcourse British citizens will decide, but I don't want to hide from you that I very much like having the UK in a strong and successful European Union and like working with them for a better future."

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Viviane Reding, vice president of the European Commission, provides a five point proposal to strengthen the European Union and take the steps to a closer political union. She says the Maastricht Treaty does not provide the strong foundation the European Union needs and the steps are already underway to change this. The fiscal compact for financial discipline in the eurozone that all members of the eurozone agreed to is one such step. Other steps remain for a closer union and she suggests the time is now for an open debate inside the EU countries about what people want to see the EU become by 2020. As a timetable a treaty on political union could be ratified between 2016 and 2019, with it going into effect once two thirds of the countries have approved it with referendums. Countries would have the opton of political union or staying in a close form of association but not union.

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In this Agenda column Simon Nixon takes on the U.S. Treasury's criticism of Germany for its current account surplus of 7% of GDP in 2012, and not doing enough for the economies of southern Europe. The German government called it "incomprehensible." Nixon says it is better for the German economy to remain strong and to boost competitiveness and consumer spending in Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece. He says the low eurozone inflation of annualized 0.7% for September 2013, which prompted the ECB to cut rates by 0.25%, is healthy to the extent that consumer prices are declining to adjust to a decline in wages. The reduction in labor costs is a way to restore lost competitiveness, just as Germany did in the last decade. The criticism is considered by many economists to be misdirected, and seen as "incomprehensible" by Germans, as Germans ask what would the U.S. have them do- provide stimulus when the government debt to GDP ratio is currently 82%, increase wages and how would this help Southern Europeans. Focussing on Germany's current account surplus says Nixon, is obscuring the larger issues of increasing consumer and business confidence and spending in the eurozone, and increasing bank lending. The new ECB bank resolution arrangements and other changes including deposit insurance if done right should help the recapitalization and restructuring needed for restoring bank lending to support recovery. Spain is furthest along in regaining competitiveness, with changes in Portugal, Italy and Greece also supporting a gradual return to growth....

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Martin Feldstein says the eurozone summit of Dec. 9, 2011, was a failure because the plan for closer economic integration and financial discipline does not address the immediate problems of increasing bond yields for Italy and Spain. The summit concluded with decisions to set up a constitutional rule for each euro-zone country to balance its budget, take corrective action if the "structural" deficit exceeds 0.5% of GDP, and impose penalties if the actual deficit is larger than 3% of GDP. German chancellor Merkel wanted to have these rules put in a revised version of the EU Treaty, enforceable by the European Commission through the European Court of Justice. With Britain not agreeing to accept the plan without safeguards it requested, the new rules apply to the eurozone only, are not part of a revised Treaty and are not enforceable by EU institutions. Feldstein says it is wrong to have a common solution for Italy and Greece. For Greece the best option is to go back to the drachma, because of its shrinking economy and high debt load, and the need for a competitive currency. Italy, he says has a good chance of convincing investors to lower yields by taking strong steps. Italy's fiscal deficit is 4% of GDP, and the IMF projected Italy would have a balanced budget in 2013. How should Italy plan for the 300 billion euros of Italian bonds that need to be sold in the next 12 months? Feldstein says only 40 billion euros are needed to finance the projected budget deficit and for the rest is for existing bonds to be rolled over when they are due. Italy can repay the maturing debt with new bonds and not cash. And Italy can get the help of the IMF for some of the funds needed. On the issue of the ECB engaging in large scale buying of Italian and Spanish government bonds, Feldstein says Mario Draghi is doing the right thing by rejecting French proposals to do this, because this would be against ECB rules in the Maastricht Treaty to bailout governments and would reduce the incentive to make changes in Italy and Spain for lower deficits. ...

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Ireland owes $139 billion to German banks and $132 billion to British banks according to the Bank for International Settlements in Basel, Switzerland. German officials said in Berlin that Deutsche Bank was especially exposed to Ireland. But Deutsche Bank does not say that, it insists the money at risk is $400 million euros, calculated after the use of derivatives to hedge risk. Total gross exposure is not revealed by Deutsche Bank. This makes investors more nervous and promotes the spread of contagion to Greece and Portugal.

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Journalists of the Economist magazine describe the EU's problems and the British perspective on the issues facing the European Union.

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The pact of competitiveness is designed to bring a closer integration of the eurozone. It includes proposals for increasing the retirement age to 67, ending indexation of wages to inflation, and involvement of other eurozone countries in controlling out of control deficits in some countries. Germany sees this as necessary to convince the German public that financial responsibility is being exercized by countries in budget crises that get help from Germany. This may buy time but it does not come to terms with the reality of Greece being insolvent already, which may be true also for Ireland and Portugal. Some experts see the need for debt restructuring, and the need to start early, especially if Germany is unwilling to make large transfers to these countries.

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ECB President Trichet calls for the equivalent of "a fiscal federation" for the European Union, a broadening of powers of the European Commission when it comes to fiscal issues. He called for an independent agency housed within the European Commission, with powers to hand out sanctions on countries with poor fiscal management. Such sanction have to come early and could take the form of suspending member's voting rights in financial affairs. Such reforms would have to come through secondary legislation, and not a renegotiation of the EU treaty.

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German chancellor Merkel appeals to Christian Democrats in the German parliament to support the European Financial Stability Fund. Other 17 members of the eurozone will have to approve their share of the rescue fund's guarantees.

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Of the 27 nations represented at the EU summit meeting on January 30, 2012, all except Britain and the Czech Republic agreed to the new measures for budgetary discipline. The new fiscal compact will come into effect after 12 eurozone countries have ratified the compact. This prevents one or two countries holding up the agreement. This provides the Merkel government in Germany an agreement on concrete measures for budgetary discipline- evidence of specific action to dissenters inside the Christian Democratic party and in German public opinion- which would enable it to support efforts by the ECB, the IMF and the EU to address the crisis, including the funding of the European Financial Stability Fund. The text of the fiscal compact makes it harder to block sanctions against countries that fail to impose budgetary discipline, while at the same time making allowance for countries with excessive debt such as Italy.

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Japan has coped with its long period of low growth by increasing the temp workforce. Loss of nontraditional workers jobs was 158,000 between October and mid February and accounted for much of the 220,000 jobs lost in the October to January period, according to the Japanese Labor Ministry. During the years that EU countries liberalized their labor markets allowing the hiring of temporary workers. During the 1990's Spain, Italy, Greece began allowing the hiring of temporary workers and workers on shortterm contracts. Germany allowed temporary workers and loosened labor laws earlier in this decade. By 2007 17% of the workers in the EU countries which share the euro were temporary workers. Many of these are young people or immigrants. But the labor laws in the EU for permanent employees remained the same and the worker protections were in place, including unemployment benefits and severance. This helped bring the EU unemployment rate down to 7.2% in 2007 during the upturn years. Now this whole process is going into reverse with the young and immigrants hit hardest. In Germany it costs 11,927 euros to layoff a permanent employee according to the Cologne Institure of Economic Research, and zero for laying off a shortterm employee. Now as the economy deteriorates the shortterm workers are being laid off first in large numbers. BMW has laid off 5000 shortterm workers. And short term contracts usually last only 4.7 months on average in Germany, about 12% of temp workers in Germany get hired as permanent workers. To get full unemployment benefits the workers have to have worked steadily for at least 1 year in Germany. ...

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Though the German public opposes a "transfer union," bailouts of EU countries, and fear a weakening of the euro, there is also support for the European Union. Most of Germany's political leaders and business elite see the euro as good for Germany. And nearly two thirds of Germans agree that Germany can only prosper inside a strong EU, according to the ARD poll. Yet the same proportion of Germans oppose bailouts of troubled countries such as Greece. This suggests that the way forward will have to be the development of mechanisms that ensure fiscal discipline throughout the EU to back up the euro currrency, and agreement on enforceable sanctions.

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Productivity as measured by GDP per hour worked was $44 in Italy in 2009. It has remained the same as in 1999. In the EU-15 (first 15 members of the EU) the GDP per hour worked increased from 47.9 in 1999 to 49.0 in 2009. For the U.S. this GDP in the same period went up from $56.0 to $58.0. This shows the lack of productivity growth in Italy. With the current focus on Italy's slow economic growth efforts are underway to make changes that would increase growth. GDP growth in Italy was 1.3% in 2010, compared to 1.8% for the eurozone, according to Eurostat. Italy's Minister for Public Administration Renato Brunetta says he would like to cut that gap in half. Some of the measures in the recently passed $40 billion spending cuts package, include efforts to help the underdeveloped southern region. This includes cutting red tape for real estate developers, and streamlining accounting for business. Italy's growth comes mainly from exports that make up about one fourth of GDP. But this comes from lower tech sectors such as textiles, chemicals and machinery, where it must compete with China and other countries. In May 2011 industrial output was up by 1.8% in Italy,compared to 7.5% for Germany. Another problem is the large and inefficient public sector and the gap between protected state workers and a younger generation- with one in three Italians 15-24 unemployed....

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Recent trade data show improvements in the current account deficit of Ireland, Portugal and Spain. Ireland is in surplus since the second half of 2010. Spain has reduced its deficit to 3% with a 12.5% increase in exports. Deutsche Bank reports show the aggregate current account deficit of Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain and Italy going from a weighted average 10.9% of GDP in the 2nd quarter of 2008 to 4.3% by the 3rd quarter of 2011. This provides a ray of hope that the rebalancing needed in Europe can happen without putting a large burden on falling wages relative to Germany.