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Friedman visits the campaign office of Abdel Moneim Fotouh, a doctor running for president of Egypt. What he finds is a lively debate among Egyptians, new and many voices discussing the future of Egypt and a transition to democratic forms of government and economic progress. One newly elected member of parliament Hamzawy tells Friedman that Islamists from the Brotherhood have about two thirds of the seats, the liberals 20%. Moderates within the Islamists like Fotouh, who left the Brotherhood, form a separate faction inside the Brotherhood. There will be a need to transcend differences and work together. Egypt is still under the rule of the military, but many democratic voices are now present and a lively debate is on which will provide the impetus for real change and progress, if properly channelled.

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Ignatius of the Washington Post presents the Egyptian protests from the lens of Obama's personal encounter with authoritarian regimes in his boyhood experiences in Indonesia and Kenya. This is covered in Obama's first book, "Dreams from My Father." Ignatius points to the movements in Indonesia and the Philippines that ousted dictators Marcos and Suharto as evidence that positive models exist for transition to democratic government after long spells of authoritarian rule. This is a view different from the pessimism expressed by Charles Krauthammer in the Washington Post on the same day- February 4, 2011- as the largest pro-democracy demonstrations were underway in Egypt. Krauthammer cites the situation in Gaza and Iran. The Wall Street Journal editorial on the same day says that Gaza is a bad example, because Hamas was allowed to contest the election without the necessary groundwork being laid; as an exception by US Secretary of State Rice. The WSJ editorial stands by the liberal democratic openings to democracy established by Bush, and earlier supported by Reagan at the Berlin Wall. The situation in Iran is actually that the elections were stolen by the Ahmadinejhad government, just as they have been stolen in Belarus, so it also may not be a good example. Ignatius points to Obama's experience as post-colonial but at the same time his administration's handling of the crisis so far has been generally described in the US media as of being caught by surprise by events and not being able to take a clear stand. ...

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Hashem Rafsanjani's increasing popularity as he runs for president in the 2013 elections in Iran. This reflects the high discontent of the urban middle class and the lack of alternatives in Iran. He owns Iran's second largest airline and has large business interests. At the same time he has close links to the religious leaders running the country. Economic sanctions have hurt the Iranian economy and the negotiations on nuclear development with the international community have reached an impasse, creating an opening for someone seen as a pragmatic leader who can also help businesses recover.

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A violent military crackdown on Morsi supporter protester camps near Cairo University leaves 525 dead. A complete breakdown in political dialogue in Egypt and a return to military rule in Egypt that prevailed under Mubarak.

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The Wall Street Journal interviews Amr Moussa, leading candidate for the presidential elections in Egypt. He sees a change in policy towards Israel, and a parliament that has many Islamic legislators.

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Jackson Diehl, deputy editorial page editor of the Washington Post, says its hard not to conclude that Obama is really not engaged with the struggle for democracy and democratic process in the countries of the Middle East and the Arab World. His voice is only heard sporadically, and is missing altogether at crucial times, as the people of Egypt, Libya, and other countries express their democratic aspirations. This has been the case from the beginning of this struggle and continues today. He cites an Arab opinion poll, from Shibley Telhami of the University of Maryland with Zogby International, which shows a positive view of Obama at 34%, compared with 39% in 2009. When asked which countries have played a positive role, France and Turkey are given first place and the U.S. is close to China. This is because France's Sarkozy and Turkey have been actively engaged, and Obama has been silent for most of the time. Diehl says most Egyptians he talked to in Cairo in a recent visit, think that Obama's focus is on going along with the military and Israel. ...

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U.S. president Obama invited NYT's columnist Thomas Friedman to the White House for an interview on Saturday afternoon April 4, 2015. Here Friedman gives president Obama's response to his questions, and Obama's concerns about the heated rhetoric in the U.S. and Israel on the negotiations with Iran detracting and distracting from his key goals of protecting U.S. interests and Israel. On the Sunni states, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, Obama points out that there are some tough conversations needed about changes inside their societies which pose a greater threat to the governments than Iran. Obama says he understands perfectly that Israel and the Jewish people after their experience of the last hundred years are determined to not let Iran develop a nuclear weapon, and their right to be concerned that the agreement could let Iran clandestinely develop one. Obama says the verification is extensive and covers any facility in Iran, any suspicion about secret facilities, yet it leaves the subsequent decisions if Iran created difficulties, to a international body over which the U.S., UK, France, have no control. This is a principal issue for critics of the negotiated agreement. No mention is made of why Iran simply discarded the option of sending the atomic material to Russia to be processed into nuclear rods for the Bushehr nuclear plant built by Russia only a few days before the final outline was developed. And why the U.S., with allies Germany, France, UK and Japan, did not offer the Iranians an economic aid package if needed in return for the billions Iranians invested for that atomic material, to ensure that the atomic materials are shipped out of the country- to create a nuclear agreement that would be credible to all parties. The economic aid would benefit Iran modernize its oil industry, including refining operations, meet basic import needs, and provide tangible proof to the Iranian people of our best intentions for the future, that president Obama strongly espouses in the interview. The interview does show the quandary president Obama faces in Iran for strong action, that is a result of failed policies with Iran since the Eisenhower administration's intervention 1953 during the Cold War that displaced the elected government of Mosaddegh in Iran and setup the Shah's regime in 1956, the support of Saddam Hussein in Iraq in the war against Iran, which Obama mentions in this intervew. In the light of the repeated failures of the U.S. policies a Democratic party leader faces increasing reservations for taking strong action against Iran's development of nuclear weapons capabilities, preferring to exhaust every diplomatic channel, and take risks in the hope that time will give the Iranian people an opportunity to to reintegrate in the global community and pursue the peaceful development of nuclear energy. This strain in president Obama's thinking is evident throughout the interview with Friedman. Other aspects of president Obama's policy in the Middle East shared in the interview are about supporting the Sunni states in some areas, and Iran in some areas, at the same time as the nuclear issue is "put in a box" and separated from the regional conflicts. Friedman presents this as the Obama doctrine, yet it appears to be coming after a series of improvisations in foreign policy following a failure to act in 2011-2013, when the "once in a lifetime" opportunities presented by the Arab Spring were not taken up by the Obama administration, leading to the region's current disintegration....

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Out of the rubble of failed policies, lack of far sighted leadership, and the failure of Middle Eastern elites and leaders, must arise the right way forward.

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Turkey's prime minister Erdogan wins a third term. He wins half of the vote and gets 325 seats in parliament. But he fails to get the 330 seats in parliament needed to make changes to the constitution and submit it to a referendum. This also falls short of the 367 absolute majority to get a new constitution adopted by parliament without a referendum. WSJ says the Turkish prime minister appeared to get the message from Turkish voters- any change in the constitution should be done by national consensus and he needs to soften his authoritarian edges. In accepting the results he said: "We'll go to the opposition and we'll seek consultation and consensus. The responsibility has risen and so has our humility." Erogan's party gets credit for managing the economy, increasing exports fourfold in the last ten years and tripling per capita income. This also comes at a critical time in the Middle East as Turkey seeks to provide a role model for Egypt, Libya, Syria, Tunisia, Iraq and other countries in the Middle East becoming free from dictatorial rule and trying to establish democracy....

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Israel's defense minister Ehud Barak, tells the Wall Street Journal in an interview, that the protests throughout the Arab world are a movement in the right direction, and moving Arab societies toward modernity. His view is that Israel should not fear changes in the region and should offer bold concessions in setting up the conditions for a permanent peace with Palestinians.

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Rached Ghannouchi of the Islamist Ennahda party, says the Tunisian model is to create a broad base of support by bringing together moderate Islamist parties and moderate secular parties. To do this Ghannouchi has promoted consensus in drafting a new constitution and a legal framework for elections. In contrast to Egyptian Islamist party leaders, Ennahda has agreed to lighter wording for Islam as the religion of Tunisia, the focus being on justice liberty and equality as Islamic values. In an intervew with Carlotta Gall of the NYT, Ghannouchi says it was not important that there is no mention of Shariah law or an Islamic state in the constitution. The assasination of Tunisian secular party leader Brahmi by extremists created a period of tension in Tunisia, and the Ennahda leader says he recognizes the need to work even harder for consensus based government.