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Ignatius of the Washington Post presents the Egyptian protests from the lens of Obama's personal encounter with authoritarian regimes in his boyhood experiences in Indonesia and Kenya. This is covered in Obama's first book, "Dreams from My Father." Ignatius points to the movements in Indonesia and the Philippines that ousted dictators Marcos and Suharto as evidence that positive models exist for transition to democratic government after long spells of authoritarian rule. This is a view different from the pessimism expressed by Charles Krauthammer in the Washington Post on the same day- February 4, 2011- as the largest pro-democracy demonstrations were underway in Egypt. Krauthammer cites the situation in Gaza and Iran. The Wall Street Journal editorial on the same day says that Gaza is a bad example, because Hamas was allowed to contest the election without the necessary groundwork being laid; as an exception by US Secretary of State Rice. The WSJ editorial stands by the liberal democratic openings to democracy established by Bush, and earlier supported by Reagan at the Berlin Wall. The situation in Iran is actually that the elections were stolen by the Ahmadinejhad government, just as they have been stolen in Belarus, so it also may not be a good example. Ignatius points to Obama's experience as post-colonial but at the same time his administration's handling of the crisis so far has been generally described in the US media as of being caught by surprise by events and not being able to take a clear stand. ...

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Tunisia's president Moncef Marzouki comments on the violent demonstrations in Arab countries after the anti-Islamic video in Sept. 2012. He says the violent demonstrations do not reflect the true feelings of the vast majority of Arab people. He says the Arab Spring is not pro or anti-western but focussed on social justice and democracy, and not even about religion when truly understood.

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It may come as a shock to the Egyptian people and freedom loving Arabs and Americans everywhere that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called the Mubarak government "stable" and "responding to the legitmate interests of the Egyptian people," on Tuesday January 25, 2011. Vice President Biden said on Jan 27, in a night interview on PBS, that he would not call Mubarak a dictator and did not think he should step down. This Washinton Post editorial is strongly critical of the Obama administration for its statements implying that the 30 year Mubarak regime would continue. It says Mr Obama spoke with Mubarak on Friday night and after speaking to Mubarak stated that he would continue working with Mubarak, and not once mentioning elections. The Washington Post says it is dangerous to assume that the energized and enraged people of Egypt protesting on the streets of Cairo and other cities will back down and carry a dialogue with a regime that has repressed every form of assembly and free expression for three decades. It supports the moderate and democratic platform of leaders of the protests and of Mr El-Baradei. This includes lifting of a hated emergency law that bans peaceful assembly, the right to freely organize political parties, and allowing free democratic elections. The Post calls on the Obama administration to prepare for the peaceful implementation of the opposition platform, and telling the Egyptian army without qualification, that violent repression would rupture the rellationship with the United States....

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The Muslim Brotherhood and the democracy movement activists in Egypt reject any connection to Iran, Hezbollah or Islamic movements in other parts of the Middle East.

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The Egyptian military announced the names of a eight member Constitutional Committee. The committee will be given the task of rewriting six articles of the constitution. These articles relate to presidential term limits, judicial oversight of elections, and parts related to curbing the president's powers to amend the constitution and restrict civil liberties, including sending civilians to military tribunals. The committee is asked to come up with recommended rewriting of these articles in 10 days. Reports say the constitutional changes will then be put to a popular referendum. The committee will be led by Tareq al-Bishry, who is a retired judge and a prominent historian. Mr Bishry and a Cairo University law professor, Atef al-Bana, are thought to be followers of a modern Islamic school of thought. Other members are Sobhi Saleh, a popular member of the Muslim Brotherhood who represented Alexandria in parliament from 2005 to 2010. About the selection of the committee, Abdel Yousef, a senior official of ElBaradei's National Association for Change, says the names are a good sign from the military. See the heart rending account of Sobhi Saleh and a prison set on fire from which he makes his way out after his arrest during the protests. The account is by Nicholas Kulish in the New York Times, Feb 4, 2011....

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Efforts by Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates to influence or slow the transition to democracy in Egypt.

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Cohen says you canno carve on rotten wood. The democratic transition in Egypt has to be done without Mubarak. For Obama he says a failure in the first foreign policy crisis of his administration would be really stark in 2012.

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The eight member panel of experts led by a retired judge gets high marks from the youth movement, and all oppositon parties. All have a good grasp of the legal theory to build a good system of democratic processes with checks and balances and necessary protections. The chief of the panel, Tareq-el-Bishri, is a retired senior judge, and an author of a book titled: "Egypt: Between Disobedience and Decay." Bishri wants to see prosecutions done in civilian courts, and wants a balance of power between government institutions. Members of the Youth Movement say they encouraged military leaders to setup the tasks of writing a new constitution in several steps, the first being rewriting the key articles and holding an up or down referendum. It was felt that a better constitution would emerge once elections were held, and enough time and debate could occur for the new constitution.

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On February 11, 2011, the day Mubarak leaves office, Mohamed ElBaradei, has this to say in the New York Times. ElBaradei won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005, and headed the International Atomic Energy Agency. He says the only thing to fear for Egyptians and the international community is the shadow of a repressive past. He sees the rebirth of Egypt as representing the hope of a new era in which Arab society, Muslim culture and the Middle East, are no longer seen through the lens of war and radicalism, but as contributors to the forward march of humanity, modernized by advanced science and technology, enriching society by its diversity of art and culture. To get this process started he calls for a three member presidential council with one member from the military, and a transitional government of national unity to run the country. Its first tasks would be to dissolve the Parliament, abolish the old constitution, replace it with a provisional constitution. The primary job of the new interim governmet and presidential council would be to set in motion the process to turn Egypt into a free and democratic society. The first step for that process would be drafting a democratic constitution to be put to a referendum, and preparing for free and fair presidential elections within one year....

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The military and the old order in Egypt, including the lack of an imaginative Muslim Brotherhood party, remains a stumbling block for Egypt's return to democracy and the constructive channelling of the people's energy.

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The largest part of the protest movement in Egypt is led by people under 30 years of age. This is a striking new face of the student protests and the opposition in Egypt to continued rule by dictators from the armed forces. A leader of the April 6 Youth Movement says most of the people he has signed up for protests via the internet- numbers reaching 90,000- were under 30 years. Ibrahim Issa, El-Baradei, Muslim Brotherhood leaders of an older generation, are all respecting this fact, and working with student leaders and young people to bring in a new transition based on the needs and concerns of a new generation of Egyptians.

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The Obama administration's failure to correctly grasp the situation and articulate a clear position on the democracy protests in Egypt, is raising many questions. On many of the events occurring about the transition, the administration was caught unawares. And its position gave a muddled message to the people of Egypt, not a clear statement of the US support for the democratic process. Senator John McCain said in an interview: "Every day that goes by, you have to ask: who profits from this? Its the Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic extremists. There's the perception that we're on the side of Mubarak."

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Syria after the Houla massacres and the sharpening divide between Sunnis and Alawites in Syria. Pro government thugs called shabiha using small arms are said to be responsible. The Houla area is predominantly Sunni and villages near it Alawite. The army is predominantly Alawite in a largely Sunni country. This risks bringing in other Sunni Arab countries into the conflict. U.S. Secretary of State Clinton tells students at the Royal Library in Copenhagen that China and Russia, mainly Russia, were obstacles for the Security Council to taking strong action, and this could lead to civil war.

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Suddenly, says Friedman, the Arab world has a truly free space, a space that Egyptians themselves created, and the truth keeps gushing out like a torrent from a broken hydrant. The hopes and aspirations bottled up for 50 years keep gushing out, like this bearded man Friedman sees in Tahrir Square, going back and forth screaming all the time that he feels free, that he feels free.

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Friedman suggests a 2009 book "Generation in Waiting," edited by Navtej Dhillon and Tarik Yousef, as giving a real insight into what is happening in Egypt. It says that the great change that is occurring in Arab society is not about political Islam, but about a "generational game" in which over 100 million young Arabs are fighting stifling economic and political strucutres that have taken away their freedoms, provide the poorest education systems, the highest unemployment rates and the biggest income gaps of any society in the the world. ElBaradei tells Friedman that the Arab states of today are nothing but a collection of failed states who give nothing to humanity or science, and this because the people are not taught to think or act and are given an inferior education, in a part of the world that experienced in the past a high level of learning and made contributions in the arts, humanities and science.