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An international arbitration panel gives Exxon $908 million for oil assets nationalized by Venezuela in 2007. This is much lower than the $7 billion claimed by Exxon. Exxon invested $750 million in its Cerro Negro oil operations in Venezuela. The operations had an estimated value of $2 billion and are located in the heavy crude oil region of Orinoco. Venezuelan oil company PdVSA showed net profit of $4 billion in the first half of 2011. Another case is pending for Conoco-Phillips.

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John Frisbie, president of the US-China Business Council, says the single most important issue over the last year for the council's members is China's innovation policies and how they link to government procurement. Concern about China's "indigenous innovation" policy.

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Research firm Dragonomics says real estate prices fell 4.9% in April from the prior year for nine cities in China. In 2010 prices in these nine cities went up by 21.5%, the increase in 2009 was 10%. Standard Chartered estimates China's second tier cities, such as Dalian and Tianjin, could have 20 months of housing inventory by the end of 2011. Standard Chartered says price declines of 10-20% can be expected. Government data understates the extent of the bubble and the drop in prices say analysts. Beijing real estate consultant, Soufun, confirms the slowdown in price increases, saying its data show average property prices went up by 5.1% in May over the prior year, compared to the jump in prices in 2009 and 2010. Prices of copper and steel are coming down after rapid increases. The price increases in the Chinese real estate market have put housing out of the reach of ordinary couples. In 2006 an average price of a new apartment in Beijing cost $100,000, by 2011 this had gone up to $250,000. It woud take 57 years of saving for an average person to buy the apartment at todays cost. The government's response has been to boost down payments on mortgages for second homes to 60% from 40%, prohibiting state owned enterprises outside the real estate sector from investing in real estate, and raising the reserve requirements of banks....

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Central Huijin, part of China's sovereign wealth fund, China Investment Corporation, bought shares of China's four major banks in October 2011 to prevent steep price declines. China's bank stocks have lost about a third of their value in 2011. The four major banks- China Construction Bank, Agricultural Bank of China, Bank of China, and the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China- control two-thirds of the banking industry in China. In China's interlocking system of relationships between the state, the banks and the state controlled industrial companies, Central Huijin owns 35.4% of Industrial and Commercial Bank, 67.6% of Bank of China, and similiar stakes in the other 2 banks. It was created in 2003 to bail out China's banks after bad loan losses, and was transferred to China Investment Corporation in 2007. As part of the 2007 move bonds were issued by CIC to compensate the central bank. This means the banks pay dividends to CIC so that it can make payments on the bonds. Today the 4 major banks pay half of their earnings in dividends to CIC. CIC chief Lou Jiwei, says Central Huijin needs 300 million renminbi a day, or $47 million to pay interest on the bonds to the central bank. The 4 major banks are also under pressure from China's regulators to increase their capital reserves, because of large bad loans to local governments after the global financial crisis of 2008....

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Sternberg points out that China's banking system lacks the experience in consumer credit and consumer finance products that would provide the impetus to a surge in consumer spending in China for imported products from the US or Europe. Outstanding consumer credit in China is only 13% of GDP, according to a 2009 study by McKinsey and Company, compared to 48% in Malaysia and 70% in S. Korea. China has lost a decade or more he says in allowing foreign banks to develop a consumer-finance market, and Chinese banks have little compettitive pressure to serve lower income consumer borowers. The Dutch PPF Group was allowed into this field for the first time in November 2010 to introduce in-store financing for durable goods purchases, something available to consumers in Brazil and other developing countries for many years. Large banks have an entrenched mindset to lend to businesses, and especially to state owned enterprises which have the collateral and government guarantees and support to obtain this lending. Risk averse banks in a financial system that lacks the kind of credit ratings system for consumers that the US and Europe have, prefer to lend to make loans to state owned enterprises where the government guarantees the loans. Interest rates on deposits are low and the government deliberately allows a wide spread for the banks so that they can ensure enough earnings to pay for non-performung bad loans, both from the last decade and from the binge in stimulus lending in 2009-2010. This reduces consumption by reducing the earnings on savings for consumers and households. These problems can only be solved gradually if the government and leadership want to change course, but this oddly enough is not happening. Other problems are that China's export factories are part of a global supply chain in which other countries do the product development, logistics, marketing, and retailing. Chinese firms lack the experience in these areas to shift to domestic consumers. As a result, says Sternberg, to lose a foreign customer can mean going out of business. Without government leadership and new direction through large scale re-allocation of capital and labor to the small scale businesses that serve consumers in the domestic market, all the talk of rebalancing will be just that, talk only and no real rebalancing....

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This article has several information links for different groups. One to "Putin and Russian oil policy"- consolidating into state hands all the major oil properties by buying the privately held company holdings such as BP-TNK's Kovykta gas field. A link to remarks to the New York Times in an interview by Medvedev, deputy CEO of Gazprom. And a separate link to "How Russians see Themselves and the World around them." The other link is in comments by Surkov, Mr. Putin's deputy chief of staff at a news conference and Putin's remarks in pre-8 Summit television interviews. Content Links 1. Link To the group "How Russians See Themselves and the World." In remarks at a news conference, Vladislav Surkov, Putin's deputy chief of staff referred to Russia's desire to keep its national sovereignty in terms of how it manages its oil resources in Russian interest. Russia did not want to have to respond to western demands for access to its oil resources and oil and gas pipelines. Surkov pointed out that Russia was a free nation among other free nations and did not want to be controlled by outside interests. Putin in pre-summit television interviews had an interesting view of the criticism of Russian oil policy and its consolidation of oil resources into state hands, as well as the centralization of powers and putting media into state hands, and its new stance in foreign affairs. He told this to the French channel TF1: Putin suggested old views of Russia stemmed from outdated cold-war competition, and misguided colonial-era arrogance. If we go back 100 years and look through the newspapers, we see what arguments the colonial powers of that time used to justify their involvement in Africa and Asia. They justified their involvement with statements that is was about playing a civilizing role, the white man's burden, the need to civilize these people, Putin told TF1. All you have to do is change the words "civilizing" to "democratization" and then we see the application almost to a word of what the newspapers were saying in 1900 to day's world. These are the arguments one hears from our peers in the U.S. and Europe on democratization and democratic freedoms. This is remarkable statement in revealing how the post Berlin Wall 90's experience with democracy has soured Russians view of democracy. And the peculiar way Putin and other Russians see the western exhortations for openness, transparency, freedoms, self interested, motivated by gains for western economic interests, and disregarding Russian interests such as national pride, economic-higher energy prices to sustain growth, national sovereignty. The NYT article can be seen in the context of a strategy article in Foreign Affairs, July/August 2006, "Russia Leaves the West," by Dmitri Trenin. Trenin says the U.S. and Europe want a weak Russia that they can exploit and manipulate, which means Russia needs to assert itself and its own interests just like the U.S. and China. The idea presented by Deputy Director of Carnegie Moscow Center, echoes Putin's own suspicion of western interests and their "colonial era arrogance". Trenin's view is of a fundamental shift in Western-Russian relations: the United States and Europe could protest this change in Russia's foreign policy all they want but it will not matter. For Trenin the U.S. and Europe had to agree that the terms of the Western-Russian interaction, set after the collapse of the Soviet Union's collapse, was now fundamentally changed. 2. The second link is with the "Putinand Russian Oil Policy" group. It provides details about the Kovytkta field owned by BP-TNK and what is happening there. Alastair Ferguson, director of BP-TNK's gas operations describes the situation in a interview with NYT at his Moscow offices. Ferguson says it makes sense to do what Russia is doing if you are the Russian government. By letting BP-TKN build its own pipeline Russia would lose influence over gas prices. According to Gazprom allowing private companies to ship gas independently would drive down gas prices. And Ferguson says this gas field is huge and supplies going to China and rest of Asia could lower prices of liquefied natural gas in California. Medvedev, Gazprom's deputy CEO was also interviewed in his Moscow offices. Gazprom and the government would answer the question about export sales, not BP-TNK. Medvedev's view is that this is a technical question for Gazprom and Russia to decide and has little to do with the G-8....

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China's consumer price index went up by 2.1% in March 2013, slower inflation than the 3.2% for February 2013. Food prices are growing at a slower rate, increasing by 2.7% in March over the prior year month, compared to a 6% increase over the prior year month in February.

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With a credit led expansion, and credit flowing as rapidly as in 2009, China faces some difficult choices in 2010. Inflation's annual rate rose to 4.4% in October 2010 from 3.6% in September. China's CPI target is 3%. October 2010 saw an additional $89 billion of new loans, and China is floating on a sea of credit. The question is how econmic growth can be maintained once this slows.

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Liu He, the author of the 2013 DRC report on recommended changes to China's banking and financial system, is now the director of the Communist party's top financial policy committee and senior advisor to president Jinping. Changes he is pushing for relate to increasing focus on credit risk for China's banks, promoting competiion between banks, a mechanism for letting banks fail, and a deposit insurance program to protect the public against failing banks. To open up the sector dominated by state owned banks, opening private banks would be encouraged. Local governments would be allowed to issue bonds in an effort to reduce their dependence on land sales and opaque off-market borrowing. The urgency of this agenda comes from the realization in top Chinese policy circles and the Jinping-Keqiang administration of the risks to the banking sysem from the lack of attention to credit risks in bank lending.

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Fitch Ratings analyst Charlene Chu tracks unreported debt in China's shadow banking system. She is doing this after moving to China in 2004, following work at the New York Fed. She was first alerted to the increase in unreported private debt when a banker disclosed to her at a meeting that he was pushing loans off the bank's books by repackaging it as securities and calling it wealth management products. She sees shadow lending in the banking system as a way to extend credit beyond the bank's government quota and not disclose questionable loans. The growth in private debt is alarming, much of it unreported. China undercounted private debt by 28% or 1.3 trillion yuan ($212 billon ) in the first half of 2010. In July 2011, the People's Bank of China added many of this type of off-balance sheet type of lending to its figures, following Chu's example. Her figures are still higher and she says conservative estimates. Fitch Ratings puts China's private sector debt at 214% of China's GDP as of June 2013, from 129% in 2008.The central bank's estimate is about 20% lower. Shadow lending soared after China increased lending in 2009 as part of the Stimulus policies. ...