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In this exceptional essay in the New York Times, Prof. Eitan Hersh of Tufts University is critical of the political hobbyism that has taken the place of the hard work of civic participation at local levels. Its easy to bash someone on the social media channels, and not have to talk to real people in face to face conversations as happens on social media with one sided conversations happening in a vacuum. He points out that real civic participation can be boring, take energy and dedication, and involve taking the trouble to do something for the public good. He calls this engaging in a sinking low type of politics which appeals to people operating in their comfort zones and doing things that have short attention spans, and which offer instant gratification. He says Democrats should pay attention because mass engagement was seen as their thing, what they have fallen into says Hersh, is what appears to be mass participation but which is not. Middle and upper class Americans are particularly at fault of operating in their comfort zones, using the internet to express opinions as a leisure time thing, yet shirking from the hard work of civic duty activated by self interest and public interest. This has replaced real conversations between neighbors, between parents, real conversations that involve listening, and putting oneself in the other person's shoes, conversations that recognize the need to change views as one's understanding grows, or let oneself be nudged with fresh thinking. Conversations in which all sides are learning. ...

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The Socialist party is likely to win the most seats in the Dutch parliament in the Sept 12, 2012 elections. Research firms TNS NIPO and Peil.nl polls show the Socialist Party winning 37 seats up from 15 currently, in a 150 member Dutch parliament. The Liberal party in the ruling coalition is expected to win 30 seats down from 31 currently. The right wing Freedom party that withdrew from the ruling coalition is shown as winning 18 seats down from 24 seats currently. The Socialist party will need to form a coalition with the Labor party which is expected to win 17 seats down from 30 seats currently. Because of the fragmentation of seats between parties, a Socialist-Labor coalition will still need the support of other parties. The current coalition government's austerity drive is not popular with voters leading to a shift. The EC estimate is for a 0.9% decline in GDP in 2012, with 0.7% growth in 2013, but with the global slowdown underway this recovery is in doubt. Offical government estimates show a slowing economy for years, and the need for 20 billion in euros in budget savings for 2013-2017. The Socialist party leader Emile Roemer, wants more time to reduce the budget deficit to 3% of GDP, to do this by 2015 instead of the 2013 target set by Mr. Rutte in the current ruling coalition. Roemer also supports a broadening of the ECB's mandate from price stability to stimulating the economy for creating jobs....

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Protests in Indonesia for labor protections and higher minimum wage in Sept.-Oct. 2012. Protesters rallied in the hundreds of thousands across Indonesia from 700 companies in 80 industrial parks in Java, Sumatra and other areas. It was an effort to influence the political debate ahead of elections.

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A year after winning reelection by a large margin, Argentina's president, Mrs. Kirchner, faces a sharp drop in popularity from over 60% to 32%. Problems facing the Argentine economy include slowing growth from the 7% pace from 2003-2011 to about 3% in 2012, and inflation estimated at about 25%. This has cut into purchasing power of workers wages. A general strike by trade unions on Nov. 20, 2012 shut down the capital of Buenos Aires. About half of the population of 41 million live in Buenos Aires. Currency controls imposed to tackle capital flight after the election have hurt support from the middle class. Within the Peronist movement there appears to be a split between the traditional union support and the left representd by Mrs. Kirchner. Argentina depends on trade with Brazil which is the largest buyer of Argentine goods. The slowdown in Brazil has hurt Argentina's economy.

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Not a very flattering picture of the chancellor. She has already lost 1.3 million CDU voters to the Greens, and about 260,000 to the far right AfD party. In all about 4.3 million CDU voters have shifted from Merkel's CDU to other parties on the right or the left and to the Greens, between the general elections of 2017 and the European elections in 2019, according to Infratest Dimap. It had 33% of the vote in 2017, now it polls at 27%, down 6 points. The Greens come next at 22%, in recent Politico poll. Merkel's sentiments may have overtaken the reality of how much Germans wanted to integrate war and economic refugees from Africa and Asia. She has since revised her judgement that it was a decision made at the time based on what happened at that time without enough time to prepare for the sudden influx of refugees from Budapest. A new party the Alternative for Germany AfD emerged from the migrant crisis in the eastern part of Germany that had 13% of the votes in 2016, building on discontent from reunification, depopulation of the east, and a sense of drift and neglect. Even a sense that the affluent western part of Germany was more concerned about refugees than its own economically insecure countrymen in the east. After being in power since 2005 Merkel's period shows signs of aging. Her record on investment infrastructure and health, education and child care is also found to be weak. The effort to maintain austerity for so long following the financial crisis of 2008 by profligate banking and bad accounting by member states in the EU including Ireland, Spain and Greece, has hurt parts of the middle and working class stuck with low wages and inequality in the EU and in Germany. The migrant crisis and refugees have split her party and German opinion adding to the problems of the economy in the EU and Germany.  ...

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Schumacher of DW.com provides insights into the referendum in Italy in which the "no" vote has a lead. Some aspects of the constitutional reforms are not positive and reduce representation, Renzi's failure to guage public frustration especially after the failure of Mayor Marino in Italy to improve services and infrastructure, the coalescing of different strands of public opinion from right to left in a referendum such as in Brexit especially with a failure to improve economic conditions for the middle class, make a "no' vote likely.

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Rapid growth in Sri Lanka with GDP expansion of 7% estimated for 2010. This follows the end of the ethnic conflict on the island.

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Fuel efficiency rules require average fuel efficiency in the U.S. of 35 mpg by 2016. The debate is now on what to do for 2017 to 2025. New technology such as the P2 systems for hybrids already used in VW, Nissan and Hyundai vehicles makes a 20% increase in fuel efficiency possible. Large investments are being made to bring new technology to bear on increasing fuel efficiency significantly. Government agencies are looking at different scenarios by which the new fuel economy standards beyond 2017-2025 could be set between 47 mpg and 62 mpg. An additional factor is the reduction in greenhouse gas emissions- at 47 mpg the reduction would be 3%, at 62 mpg the reduction would be 6%. Another factor is how much the impact is on the cost of vehicles and reduced cost on gasoline. Here there is a wide range in the numbers for average mpg rules at 62 mpg- with EPA estimates at $2800-$3500 increase in vehicle cost and $5000 savings in fuel cost, Centre for Automotive Research estimates at $9790 increase in vehicle cost. The 62 mpg translates into "real world" actual efficiency of 45 mpg. In April 2011, 17 senators put out a letter of support for the 62 mpg proposal. There is a public value involved in this that is also significant- the reduced dependence on foreign oil means savings in defense expenditures in parts of the Middle East, and an economy that is less impacted by volatility in the price of oil. As this aspect of public value or benefits cannot be quantified easily even though they are significant, this may tend to be lost in the debate and the politics of fuel efficiency. For automakers there is significant marketing value in having a visible and strong presence in fuel efficient vehicles because of perception as forward looking- something that hurt Detroit carmakers in the last decade. During periods of gasoline prices at $5 a gallon this provides carmakers with an extra cushion of safety in securing car sales. Carmakers in one country such as the U.S. also have to worry about what carmakers in other countries such as Japan and Germany are doing- if the standards in the U.S. develop a gap compared to other countries developing advanced fuel efficiency technologies this poses significant risks because of the global nature of the automobile marketplace. See the group "Asleep at the Spigot" for more details on this. Many of these less quantifiable factors do not get the attention they deserve because they are significant from experience but not easily quantified. Throw into this the large unknown of what new technologies not yet developed lie ahead with a burst of effort by one country or another, which bring cost reductions at the same time - and the debate requires as much a good sense of what is the path offering the greatest advantages in years ahead than a pure exercize in numbers. ...

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Ilan Berman, vice president of the Foreign Policy Council in Washington D.C., cites former finance minister Alexei Kudrin about capital flight from Russia reaching as high as $160 billion in 2014. This is a result of Russian policies in Ukraine that are creating a high degree of uncertainty and investor fears about the Russian economy. The result Kudrin says would be a stagnating economy. This follows the emerging market crisis in the beginning of 2014, which hit Turkey, Argentina, and Brazil. Kudrin is respected for his efforts to strengthen Russia's finances in Putin's first term in office, and left the administration over disagreement with prime minister Medvedev on damage to finances from higher defense spending. This suggests Putin and Medvedev in their first terms as president conducted more prudent policies for the economy than they are doing in Putin's second term. A certain recklessness seems to have crept in as many respected advisors from that period have left over differences in policy, including how protests and the opposition's views should be handled. This includes Medvedev's early efforts after elections for dialogue with the opposition parties which were set aside by Putin. The danger with having a Bolivarist class of tycoons as in Venezuela and some developing countries, instead of wiser heads around him for Putin, is that he will lose the advice and counsel he so badly needs to conduct policies without letting emotions getting the better of a sound judgement. A large foreign exchange reserve is a buffer for Russia, but this needs to be used to diversify the economy away from dependence on oil and commodities by investing in technology industries to create jobs in other fields, and not wasted in higher defense spending and fighting investor sentiment for the value of the ruble. It also shows that there is an inherent value in having a "loyal opposition" and "shadow cabinet," and these institutions were not invented over centuries of practice in government without a reason, in that they actually help the governing administration pursue prudent policy without arbitrary actions. The irony is that the very fears of 1998 repeating itself with the "chaos" of western style democracy and politics and manipulation by oligarchs- a Putin complaint- is reversing the gains made by Russia since then, with another set of tycoons and vested interests in place. Russians, like the Germans can learn to make democracy work without a centuries long history of democratic traditions, elections and free media. Czarist traditions can be overcome just as the Prussian traditions were overcome, and Russians can come up with their own Wily Brandts and Gaucks, leaving behind the old history of suppressing contrary opinions. For this to happen Russians including Mr. Putin need to leave their own fears behind, and trust the Russian people for the right instincts and values and maturity of judgement, just as the Germans have done and succeeded. ...

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Lally Weymouth of the Washington Post talks to Vivian Morales, Attorney General of Colombia. During the seven months in office she has vigorously prosecuted high officials in the DAS agency and other ministries for misuse of funds, including the chief of staff of former President Alvaro Uribe, and the Minister of Agriculture. See her interview with Juan Manuel Santos, President of Colombia, who assumed office in 2011. Santos was Finance Minister and Foreign Minister under the Uribe administration.

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A CEO of a digital company says the key business qualities he sees in successful business leaders and in careers are passion for one's work, authentic communication, and a bold instinct in business decisions. Humility and empathy are additional qualities that help people keep their bearings.