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The narcotics revenue source is only one of three sources, says Defense Sec Gates. The other two are funds generated locally from the Pashtun minority in Pakistan, and funds generated from outside sources like people in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. A 2006 World Bank report says the hawala system- an informal money transfer system using a network of money brokers with little oversight- "carries out the majority of the country's cash payments and transfers." Of the local sources, its only now that the Pakistan government is making a serious effort to freeze these bank accounts traced to the Taliban. The CIA says it has identified the charities and organizations that send money, but it is not clear if these sources have been suspended. The implications of this is that the war could be sustained by the Taliban even if the opium crop was destroyed, or smuggling routes and labs were destroyed. Gates points out that the very same external funding channels for sending money by wealthy Muslims that the US supported in the 1980's to help Muslim militants expel the Russians may still be open today. His comment that "it would't surprise me if some of those channels were still open today," suggests that even the Defense Dept does not know how these channels operate because of their extreme secrecy. In a way this shows how the war and the people that the US supported have come back to hurt the US, just as the people on the Pakistani side find that the people they supported in the Afghan and tribal areas and the Taliban organization they created is now coming back to hurt Pakistan. What makes it deeply disconcerting is that as Gates points out, there is so little time before the patience of the American public wears out with rising casualties. And on the Pakistani side there is so little time also because the war is spreading to Pakistani cities. See the link to The Taliban's war on the ill trained Pakistani police forces across the country in the WSJ May 28, 2009. ...

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William Burns is president Biden's CIA chief. He has spent 33 years in the State Department and this experience is being used by the Biden administration as Burns is sent on key missions to the Middle East. He was in touch with Putin before the invasion of Ukraine. He made 16 overseas trips since taking up the job in March 2021 with missions to Kabul to talk to Taliban and to UAE to meet leaders. He is seen here in this WSJ report as someone who can take up making conversations with people Mr. Biden isn't ready to talk to or preparing the way for future conversations as in the Middle East. Mr. Pompeo took that role under Mr. Trump.

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Declan Walsh reports from Kabul, Afghanistan, on the new unity government of Abdullah Abdullah as chief executive officer and Ashraf Ghani as president. Ghani representing the Pashtuns favors peace talks with the Taliban, Abdullah representing the northern region which suffered in the conflict with Taliban is not in favor of the peace talks.

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"Who are the Taliban? They are the local people," says one Afghan from Marja. Another man Hamza says he will not let foreign forces raid his house. Their is fear and resentment of night raids for antinarcotics purposes. A local leader in Panjwai, west of Kandahar, says people lay mines for the Taliban only to feed their families, and says 80% of insurgents are local people driven to fight out of poverty and despair. Offered another way to lead their lives only 2% would support the Taliban. A leader in the provincial council at Helmand says people do not trust the government as it has not kept its promises in the past, so that even if they are defeated militarily and security is 100% it will take time to restore trust. This confirms earlier reports of the deep unpopularity of the Karzai government. All this reporter Carlotta Gall of the NYT finds out on the ground, in the southern provinces of Helmand and Kandahar, as the USA launches an offensive to push the Taliban back towards Pakistan. In recent years the Taliban has established control over most of Helmand and Kandahar provinces , and many villagers prefer to be left alone without foreign forces causing bombing and fighting. ...

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As many as 2 million votes in the 2014 Afghanistan elections are called into question. This is 2 million out of a total of 8 million. In the last election it is estimated 1.3 million fradulent votes were made for Hamid Karzai. This time it is said security officials, government officials and others worked together to get as many as 2 million votes for Asraf Ghani, who Karzai supports. This is happening even as the Taliban are increasing attacks in the country and the Americans are withdrawing. It shows that instead of a withdrawal that the Obama administration promised their appears to be a situation that is no different from that of the Bush administration, where American lives were lost and sacrifices made without even the most basic results- no assurance that if the government collapses from strains within and outside, Taliban and terrorism could not happen again as is hapening in Iraq.

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Dexter Filkins shows here how something is changing that may have been missed by American commanders and the new US administration- the evidence of a crumbling and unpopular feudal structure that the British maintained in Afghanistan to continue the imperial presence, and which has remained that way under the government of Pakistan for the last 50 years. Baitullah Mehsud and other Taliban leaders are from the lower strata of society, the porters and street cleaners and other occupations. The British operated through the malik system of tribal elders who were supposed to maintain order, and the British pretty much left them alone. The Pathan or Pastun people on both sides of the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan are going through some major social changes that are pent up for centuries. The malik system is beiing destroyed on one hand , and on the other hand the Taliban enjoy support among ordinary people in Pathan country as being good Muslims, and in parts of Pakistan itself. This creates a dangerous mix for American forces, popular sentiment of the lower strata and ordinary Afghans, with clandestine support from Islamist officers within the Pakistan army and intelligence services for more sophisticated warfare. Which only means that disproportionate resources would be needed for an expanded American project in Afghnistan, without much to offer in return....