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Bank of Spain Gov. Miguel Angel Fernandez Ordonez said Spain finds itself in an "exceptional situation," as it goes "back into recession," and only exports acting to contribute to gains in GDP.

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The MIT Economics Department helped shape the thinking of influential central bank governors, Mervyn King of the Bank of England, Ben Bernanke of the U.S. Federal Reserve, and Mario Draghi of the European Central Bank. Bernanke (1979) and Draghi (1977) received their Ph.D.s in economics from MIT in the late 1970's, with Prof. Stanley Fischer (1973-94) as their advisor. Charles Bean, deputy governor of the Bank of England followed them a few years later. Mervyn King was a visiting professor at MIT (1983-84). King and Bernanke shared an office as professors at MIT. The MIT school came up with a pragmatic and activist approach which argued there was a role for government when markets and the economy stumbled. This followed a period when economists from the universities at Chicago, Minnesota and Rochester were influential, making the case for efficient markets and businesses holding rational future expectations which were ahead of government planners; saying government should play a minimal role. The MIT trained central bankers have made shaping public and market expectations an important part of policy actions. Draghi's July 23, 2012 remark- "Believe me this will be enough," was an effort to shape expectations after the European Central Bank's July 2012 bond buying actions in the eurozone. Germany has a competing version based in Bonn. Germany's former Bundesbank president, Axel Weber, was the tutor at Bonn University for current Bundesbank president, Jens Weidmann. Both Weber and Weidmann supported austerity measures, inflation fighting efforts of former ECB head Claude Trichet, and opposed Draghi's monetary easing and bond buying efforts to reduce excessive yields of Italy and Spain....

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Matteo Renzi, recently elected chief of Italy's ruling Democratic party, is likely to be the next prime minister as current prime minister Letta resigns. Letta's administration had come under increasing criticism from business and public opinion about the slow pace of economic changes in Italy. Italy's 2 trillion debt, or about $2.7 trillion, at 130% of GDP, and the declining GDP with little or no economic growth, is a problem for the eurozone. At the current pace of economic change the IMF forecast estimates only 0.5% annual growth in GDP till 2018. Foreign direct investment 2005-2011 is about one third of the eurozone average, according to the IMF, and Italy has failed to attract foreign investment for the last two decades with its weak political system and lack of competitiveness. By comparison Spain has seen an increase in exports and increasing foreign investment as it positions itself for a recovery. The austerity measures adopted by the Monti and Letta adminstrations in 2011-2013 helped to improve confidence in capital markets and lower borrowing rates, however this is clearly not the answer to Italy's problems of slow or no growth in the economy for the last decade. This is the problem Matteo Renzi, the 39 year old Mayor of Florence, is pushing to tackle as the mood in the country calls for aggressive action. Renzi's economic advisor is Filippo Taddei, who has a doctorate from Columbia University. He says at the core the issues are about what kind of "productive identity" Italy should have. Taxation that promotes higher rates of business investment is needed to promote growth, and creating a business climate that encourages investment in human capital and new technology. Payroll and business taxes take up about two thirds of a company's earnings leaving less for investment. Renzi is planning to take the centre left Democratic party in a new direction, "the road less travelled," as he put it in a televised speech, with innovative solutions including pro-market approach. As a first step he negotiated a deal with former premier Berlusconi for electoral reforms that would give a party or coalition winning electoral support a strong mandate to make and execute policy, without being hobbled in the way previous administrations were in the post war period. Lucrezia Reichlin, former head of research at the ECB, and Lorenzo Bini Smaghi, a former member of the ECB executive council, are candidates to be the economics minister in the Renzi administration....

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This article in The Economist magazine looks at the internal debate in Germany after the July crisis in Greece following a "no" referendum and the position taken by Germany on turning down any ideas on debt renegotiation to reduce the debt burden. Centre right parties say this is simply enforcing the rules. The left parties say this is moving Germany to post post-nationalist. German chancellor Kohl and post war Germany took the position that Germany was a "post-national society." Thomas Mann, a well known German writer, said Germany needed to come out " not for a German Europe, but for a European Germany." And Hans Dietrich Genscher, a foreign minister stated that Germany's only interest was that of the EU. This was a recognition of the situation of the idea presented since reunification in 1871 that the new country was too large for a balance of power in Europe, yet too small to impose its will on Europe. This was shown in the July negotiations when chancellor Merkel accepted the position put forward by Valls and Hollande of France that a Greek exit from the eurozone was not an option. Germany did not seek to impose its will, say centre right parties. In fact chancellor Merkel sees Britain as a serious partner and cannot understand why some in her party can see no problem with a British exit from the EU. In fact many people in Germany will be relieved when this phase of the crisis is over, when the diminishing of moral hazard makes it possible to consider debt reduction for Greece and the austerity programs have introduced discipline to national budgets, so that the next phase of tighter and closer union for the European Union can take place- restoring Germany's aspirations for a "post-nationalist society." ...

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As the deadline of July 22 approaches for the 160,000 members of the UK Conservative Party to elect a leader, former Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson and the current Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt are running for the leadership position. Boris Johnson has 68% member support with Hunt at 23%, according to YouGov survey. Both candidates are in favor of Britain leaving the European Union without an agreement. Hunt has stated he would cancel leave for Britain's 16,000 civil servants in August to prepare for the departure of Britain from the EU by October 31.  Only 27% of Conservative Party members believe Mr. Hunt can do the preparation needed for an abrupt exit after 45 years of economic integration with the European Union. By contrast 90% of members think Johnson would do the preparation needed. Preparation is needed because of food and medical supplies trucks and in flights awaiting customs at border points. The result could be chaotic without adequate preparation. Under a Johnson government many ministers would leave the government including Mr. Hammond who runs the finance ministry. He is expected to join rebel ranks in the Conservative Party that does not think an abrupt exit like this is good for Britain. If these members in the House of Commons join Labour party members they could vote to block this from happening. Britain's opposition Labour Party led by Jeremy Corbyn has finally decided to call for a second referendum if Johnson pushes to leave the EU abruptly, and to campaign wholeheartedly this time for staying inside the EU. During the last referendum Labour leaders did not push hard for Remain, and David Cameron as prime minister and head of the Conservatives proved to be a weak and ineffective leader using the promise of a referendum as a ploy to win votes for the Conservatives in an earlier election and then finding himself stuck with promises made in the election with his party's right wing led by Johnson. Years of austerity policies promoted by Germany in the EU after a flawed entry of southern European countries with faulty not transparent finances such as Greece too early  into the eurozone had soured Britons on the EU. The friendly migration policies of German leader Merkel for economic as well as war torn country migrants from North Africa finally not just soured Germans on Merkel policies but also soured British working class families struggling to make ends meet and seeing migration as taking British resources that were needed at home. This has split most of Europe including Britain along lines of the major cities and the rural areas plus smaller towns, and in Eastern Europe, East Germany region along the lines of the old Soviet bloc countries which with deeply conservative thinking do not favor such migration policies. These divisive changes have taken place over along period of decades and will take time to heal through economic recovery and a fairer distribution of wealth, better investment in infrastructure, health, education, public services, neglected during the Tech driven flawed investment diversion of economic resources. Yet the hope of this type of change if grasped by Britons as well as Europeans could bring new life and revive the vision of a Europe with shared benefits for all Europeans, not just a French-German project. For this to happen new leaders have to rise to the challenge inside Britain and the rest of Europe.      ...

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Greece's political parties negotiated through the night of Feb. 9, 2012, over the details of the 130 billion euro aid package from the EU and the conditions laid out by the troika of the EU, IMF and ECB. The political leaders Papandreou and Samaras agreed on wage cuts -with a 22% cut in the minimum wage- and public sector job cuts, but resisted deep cuts in pension benefits which would leave a 300 million euros shortfall in 2012 budget targets. This is part of 3 billion euros in austerity measures set by the EU finance ministers as a condition for further aid. Another sticking point was the serious consideration given by the EU, according to EU economics commissioner Olli Rehn, that the 130 billion euros be placed in a special escrow account so that Greece's private creditors would be paid from the account before money was taken out for the Greek budget. This was seen by Greek political parties as an infringement of Greek sovereignty. The EU is requiring all the main political parties in Greece give written pledges agreeing to the program and the Greek parliament voting to approve it. The language used by Greece's finance minister, Evangelos Venizelos, as he put the choice to Greece, shows the difficult choices facing Greece, Venizelos said: "If we see our future and the salvation of the country in the euro zone, in Europe, we must do what we must do in order for the program to definitely be approved...If our country, our people prefer another political decision that necessarily leads out of the euro zone and therefore outside European integration, we have to say this clearly to ourselves and to our compatriots." Because the agreement is designed to get Greece's debt to 120% of GDP by 2020- it asks for a decade of austerity measures. Some experts say Greece is better of defaulting like Argentina and going back to the drachma to recover export competitiveness. Another factor complicating this is the rapidity with which the Greek situation is deteriorating and the lack of political consensus on austerity measures, with all poltical parties enjoying less than 25% support in the country making political party pledges meaningless. Elections are due in April 2012. The EU and Germany may be too focussed on getting through a March 20 deadline for a bond payment of 14.5 billion euros- because of nervous financial markets- and not able to gets its hands around the problem of long term unemployment and deteriorating economic situation facing Greece. Greece's unemployment rate increased from 18.2% to 20.9% in just one month from October 2011 to Nov. 2011, according to Elstat, the government statistics agency. Another difficulty is that the EU ministers may see the achievement of European unity as progressing without any pauses and corrections of course, as if in a straight line, when achievements of a vision of this kind take many years and problem solving; where even a Greek withdrawal from the EU could be a temporary step towards eventually rejoining in a better EU framework. ...

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Krugman says France is getting a lot of attention, but it is Germany where attention needs to be focussed. German long term bonds are yielding 0.7%, a yield level associated with Japanese deflation. He says Greece's problem was a fiscal mess limited to a small country, and Italy has a problem of low productivity that is unique to Italy over several decades. Loss of French competitiveness is overstated, as France has only a small trade deficit, and some of that lack of competitiveness comes not from excessive growth in cost and prices but from policies pursued in Germany. He points to France's GDP deflator (the average price of French goods and services) since 1999 when the euro started, as rising 1.7% a year, and labor costs rising 1.9% annually. By comparison German price growth was 1% and labor cost growth was 0.5%. France is close to the ECB target of 2% inflation. Germany falls way short of the 2% inflation target.

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Questions are being raised about the lack of fairness in the cuts imposed in Greece - and the IMF acknowledges this- where the minimum wage was cut by 22%, but the most highly paid civil servants had their salaries cut by 10%. Germany's finance minister Wolfgang Schauble told the German daily newspaper Der Tagesspiegel: "I really feel for the people of Greece. The vast majority now hard-hit by reform and austerity measures... can do nothing about the backup in reforms, the loss of competitiveness and the unproductive use of funds in the past." In Greece there is a separate wage scale for the highly paid public sector employees such as doctors, diplomats, professors, and uniformed personnel in the military and police. This is different from what the ministry bureaucrats, hospital support staff and local government administrators get paid. This group took only a 10% cut, even though it makes up one third of the payroll according to IMF and EU estimates. The cuts to the minimum wage were made to improve Greece's competitiveness and because in Greece during the last decade wages went up much higher compared to Germany. Brian Carney pointed out in a Journal article Feb. 14, 2012, that nominal private sector labor costs went up by 62% in Greece from 2000-2008 compared to 15% in Germany. Showing the nature of the fight to make the cuts more equitable, is the resistance to the IMF-EU insistence on cuts to the highest pensions which amounted to $178 million. In the end prime minister Papademos said the monthly pension of $1975 was reduced by $32 or 1.6%. The lack of fairness creates more uncertainty about the cuts as elections are expected in April, only 7-8 weeks from now, and fears that this may not hold when a new government is elected. For this reason the IMF-EU officials are considering putting the $170 billion bailout money in an escrow account....

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Russell Shorto, director of the John Adams Institute in Amsterdam gives a detailed account of lives of different people he visited in various parts of Greece in January 2012.

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Italy's National Reform Plan shows a forecast of GDP contraction in 2012 of 1.2%, up from an earlier forecast. Italy will show a budget deficit of 0.5% of GDP in 2013. Italy's Deputy Economy Minister Vittorio Grilli poitsed out that in structural, cyclically adjusted terms Italy will post a budget surplus of 0.6% of GDP in 2013, that fiscal policy was tightening. This was confirmed by the IMF which said that Italy will achieve structural balance in 2013- which means that if the economy were operating at full potential Italy would have a balanced budget.

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The IMF predicts GDP decline of 1.9% in Italy in 2012.

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Italy's prime minister Berlusconi is changing the terms of the 45.15 billion euro austerity package after political protests. He has to weigh what is doable in the political context with demands from the European Central Bank, which is buying Italian bonds to prevent a surge in borrowing rates for Italy. The new measures as the old package unraveled are: an increase in the value added tax to 21% from 20%, increasing the retirement age for women in the private sector to 65 from 60 in 2014, two years earlier than expected, and a 3% tax on Italians earning above 300,000 euros annually. The street protesters in Bolgna, Milan Rome and other cities, protested that the earlier package unfairly put the burden on the working class. The cuts in local government spending in the earlier package would have impacted spending on items such as nurseries for children, drawing protests from teachers. The debate on an equitable sharing of the burden of reducing deficits is ocurring both in the U.S. and Europe, especially with high unemployment and lack of economic growth....

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The inflation rate in the eurozone showed a decline of 0.2% in December 2014, showing the first signs of deflation. This is the first sign of deflation since 2009. The unemployment rate for the eurozone remained at 11.5% in November, with the rate in Germany improving to 6.4% in Dec. from 6.5% in Nov., but unemployment reaching 13.4% in Italy. Dutch finance minister Jeroen Dijsselbloem, points to low energy prices, and core inflation data showing that excluding energy and food prices the core inflation rate increased to 0.8% in Dec. 2014 compared to 0.7% in November 2014.

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The elections in Italy in Feb. 2013 show the centre left coalition headed by Pier Luigi Bersani with 29.6% of the votes in the lower house, the centre right coalition headed by Silvio Berlusconi with 29.2% of the votes, the Five Star Movement headed by Beppe Grillo with 25.6% of the votes, and the Civic Choice headed by Mario Monti with 10.6% of the vote. In the Senate the results show the centre left coalition with 31.6% of the vote, the centre right with 30.7%, the Five Star Movement with 23.8%, and Civic Choice with 9.1%. Election rules in Italy give the party with the highest number of votes for the lower house an automatic majority of 340 of 630 seats. The vote shows voter protest over austerity measures. This benefitted both the centre right and the Five Star Movement and hurt the Civic Choice centrist party of Mario Monti which implemented austerity measures in 2012. The centre left was affected by its role in coming to the aid of Monte de Paschi bank in Siena and failing to mount a strong campaign under Bersani. A majority in both houses is needed to provide a stable coalition government which opens the prospect of new elections. The Five Star Movement emerged as the largest single party. Its support comes from young people, internet based campaigning, and a rejection of the right and left parties from the old order in Italian politics, and offers a new dimension to Italy's political future....

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Unemployment in Spain edges up to 23.6% with 4.75 million unemployed in March 2012.

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The IMF in April 2012 said Spain may have moved too aggressively with austerity measures. The IMF said: The new deficit target in Spain "could have accomodated more fully the impact of the weak growth outlook." This supports the Spanish government's view that it has to balance controlling spending measures and redctions in spending with considerations that take into account the weakness of the economy and high unemployment. One of the important considerations is that the private sector and banks faced with losses in the housing bubble are not likely to generate growth at this time, leaving growth dependent on government spending; which if cut too quickly could lead to declining GDP and even lower tax revenues with higher deficits. The government of prime minister Rajoy is faced with the difficult task of creating credibility in financial markets about controlling years of spending by regional governments during the housing boom, and at the same time applying prudence in not taking steps that would hurt the economy at a delicate time....

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Spain's plan to reduce corporate taxes by 5% and individual income taxes by average 12.5% in 2015-2016, reversing earlier austerity measures. A similiar move in Italy.