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Greece's GDP was up by 1.7% in the third quarter of 2014, according to Elstat, with the recovery in tourism a major factor. It is now on track to achieve 0.6% growth for 2014, for the first time seeing growth since 2008. Yet the recovery is only beginning as Greece's economy is 30% smaller than in 2008.

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GDP growth in the eurozone was 0.3% for the 4th quarter 2014. For 2014 eurozone GDP growth was 1.4%, according to Eurostat. Growth in GDP for Germany was 0.7% for the 4th quarter and 2.8% for 2014. Retail sales in December were particularly good in Spain and Germany, with sales up 2.8% for the eurozone over the prior year. Italy's GDP growth was stagnant and France's was 0.1% for the 4th quarter, showing that Germany and Spain are leading the way for eurozone recovery.

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Richard Barley points out that Italy has some breathing room even as the ten year yields on Italian debt reaches 6.15%, up 1.5 percentage points in 2011. Existing Italian debt has an interest rate of 4% and an average maturity of 7 years, according to Morgan Stanley. This means higher interest rates on new debt will take some time to have a serious impact. Fitch's estimates are that if 10 year yields on Italian debt went up to 7%, interest payments would go up to 6.1% of GDP by 2015 from 4.8% of GDP. This gives Italy some time to come up with solutions for competitiveness and growth issues. Italy's growth rate was only 0.1% for the 1st quarter of 2011, and debt is 119% of GDP. Italy also has a primary budget surplus which puts it in a better situation than other southern European economies.

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This WSJ editorial cites remarks by Viktor Orban who says he seeks to build a state on national foundations and the "illiberal ideas" behind states such as Turkey, China, Russia. It cites the way Orban has eroded the constitutional checks and balances in Hungary's democracy. Much of this happened, says WSJ, because of economic mismanagement by centre right and centre left policies in the post Communist transition. Because Orban looks to president Putin for authoritarian version of politics, Western Europe should not see this as simply a version of provincial Europe at the periphery, says the Journal. Western Europe can build a strong world of liberal democracies and do this by economic revival in the eurozone and EU countries. President Obama is in the last part of his second term having failed to effectively promote the world of liberal democracies. It is now upto successors to revive the world of liberal democracies and free societies throughout the world.

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S&P downgrades France's credit rating from AA+ to AA. Government spending at 56% of GDP remains at the second highest level in the EU, second to Denmark. President Hollande has reduced the deficit mainly by raising taxes which is seen as having reached its limit. The French economic growth was at 0.5% for the second quarter of 2013 compared to the first quarter, unemployment is high at 11.1%.

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France lags behind Germany and other countries in competitiveness. France's share of European exports decreased from 15.6% in 2000 to 12.5% in the first 5 months of 2011, according to Coe-Rexecode, an economics consultancy firm. Germany has used the last decade to lower social spending and state spending, bring wage restraint, and making industry more productive. France has not experienced a similiar process. Competitiveness and growth is needed for France to improve public finances. After the rise in borrowing costs to Italy France's premium over Germany to borrow for 10 years went up to 71 basis points on July 13, it is now at 62 points. France's trade deficit is rising and was 7 billion euros in April and May, according to Societe Generale.

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GDP growth for the 17 eurozone countries showed a 0.2% decline in the second quarter of 2012, according to Eurostat, the EU's statistics agency. The German econonomy showed GDP growth in the second quarter 2012 of 0.3%, France showed zero growth for the third consecutive quarter. Italy and Spain showed negative 0.7% and negative 0.4% growth during the quarter. The ZEW indicator of sentiment in Germany fell to its lowest level reflecting German manufacturers reluctance to invest in new equipment. As the eurozone economic growth remains flat and declining for longer period, German business sees this affecting German exports. Analysts at Commerzbank and Dutch Bank ING see a further slowdown in the German economy in the second half 2012. The German economy showed GDP growth of 0.5% in the first quarter 2012, compared to the prior quarter, before declining to 0.3% in the second quarter. Further decline is now expected.

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Yields on France's government bonds turned negative on July 9, 2012. As the pool of bonds from haven countries such as Holland and Germany is shrinking, France with its deep and sizable debt market is benefitting. France was able to sell 3.9 billion euros of 13 week Treasury bills at a yield of -0.005 and 2 billion euros of 24 week bills at an average yield of -0.006.

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This report in the Guardian says president Macron's party along with its small ally MoDem could win as many as three fourths of the 577 seats in parliament in the June 2017 election, or about 400-445 seats. The election showed a low turnout of 49%, with abstention highest among supporters of Marie Le Pen of the National Front on the extreme right and Le Melenchon on the extreme left.  A big loser is the Socialist Party which this report estimates losing about 200 seats. Les Republicains the other main party on the right is also a loser, as this report estimates it going from 199 seats to 70-130 seats. The National Front of Marie Le Pen could end up with one seat at worst or just below the threshold of 15 seats from 118 constituencies contested. This is because it faces competition from the right and the left parties for votes in every constitutency, and is kept out by the centre right and centre left coming together. Le Melenchon's France Unbowed is expected to win about 11-23 seats.  In this election young and working class voters stayed away, voters who supported the more extreme left and right wing parties. Chancellor Merkel called it "a vote for reforms." The big majority makes it possible for Macron to get laws to change the labor market to create more jobs, and to make changes to pension and unemployment benefits, so that France's economy can get moving again.  ...

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The manufacturing purchasers index for the eruozone was 45.1, remaining at the same level as May, a three year low, according to survey firm Markit. The figures are based on a survey of purchasing executives. Index figures below 50 indicate contraction in the manufacturing sector. Germany was at a PMI of 45, Spain at 41.1. The PMI reports indicate a contraction of 1% at an annualized rate for the eurozone economies in the 2nd quarter of 2012.

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Weakness and lack of economic growth in the rest of Europe is having an impact on the growth rate in Germany. In the second and third quarters of 2011 combined, economic growth in Germany was 1.6%. The economic growth for France during that period was 0.6%. For the third quarter, acccording to Eurostat, the European statistical agency, Belgium had no growth, and the Netherlands reported a GDP decline. Spain showed no growth. Germany had higher growth rates during the early period of recovery after the 2009 financial crisis, and it now appears that this may be because German companies were better able to export, having held down labor costs, and the euro was weaker than what the rate for the deutsche mark would be. This shows a slowdown across the whole of Europe replacing the earlier situation where Germany far outpaced other European countries.

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The steep decline in popularity of French president Emmanuel Macron in the period of one year. With the yellow vest protests on the economic insecurity of struggling families, Macron's efforts to bring in business friendly policies as a change agent are itself out of step with the times and with France in the provinces and small towns, as pointed out in the New York Times and Times of London analysis of the situation in France today.

As pointed out in the analysis Macron's base itself is small and its anti-institutional posture rejecting conventional politics itself has given momentum to the current yellow vest protests about economic insecurity of struggling families. The support for this comes from all parts of society and single political party, without nationalism, race or migration as factors at all, and comes so soon in one year from the time that Macron emerged with his own movement rejecting the institutional structure.