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Colonel Stevenson's efforts to limit features on a new bomber for the U.S. Air Force to replace aging B-52's and B-1's. Contractors added a kitchenette in one design which was turned down by Stevenson and senior officers at the Air Force. Senior officers were mindful of how it might be seen by the public and aware of the need to keep costs down during a period of austerity budgets. Barnes describes the efforts of Colonel Stevenson as he led efforts to limit the new plane to essential features, turning down contractor proposals for a plane that could be converted into a drone, reconaissance and cyberdefense features, and other embellishments that would drive up the price tag per plane. In 2011 budget negotiations defense officials agreed to limit the cost to $550 million per bomber, a third of the cost of the B-2 which cost $1.8 billion per plane. Because new planes take a decade or more to design and build with cost overruns, it is also important not to venture too far into technological unknowns. This adds more time to build and proves costly. The Long-Range Bomber project started in 2011 with Secretary Gates signing off on the requirements for it to give the president the option to move quickly in a matter of hours to penetrate distant airspace. The cost is $600 million spent till Oct 2013 for research, and $8.7 billion budgeted to 2018. The Air Force is sticking to existing engine design, and Stevenson says if the technology has not been tested the Air Force is not interested in experimenting with it. In the process Stevenson finds himself trying to change the culture at the Air Force, where putting cost as the top priority is a new concept....

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"Who are the Taliban? They are the local people," says one Afghan from Marja. Another man Hamza says he will not let foreign forces raid his house. Their is fear and resentment of night raids for antinarcotics purposes. A local leader in Panjwai, west of Kandahar, says people lay mines for the Taliban only to feed their families, and says 80% of insurgents are local people driven to fight out of poverty and despair. Offered another way to lead their lives only 2% would support the Taliban. A leader in the provincial council at Helmand says people do not trust the government as it has not kept its promises in the past, so that even if they are defeated militarily and security is 100% it will take time to restore trust. This confirms earlier reports of the deep unpopularity of the Karzai government. All this reporter Carlotta Gall of the NYT finds out on the ground, in the southern provinces of Helmand and Kandahar, as the USA launches an offensive to push the Taliban back towards Pakistan. In recent years the Taliban has established control over most of Helmand and Kandahar provinces , and many villagers prefer to be left alone without foreign forces causing bombing and fighting. ...

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Zardari is described as "very, very weak" by the administration, and his popularity is only in the double digits compared to 83% says the NYT. From the standpoint of democratically elected government it is important to note that Zardari himself was never directly elected, and is highly unpopular and weak, and known for corruption. If anew election was held today its highly unlikely that he would be elected. Even Benazir Bhutto's popularity may be aresult of years of military rule, and the efforts by General Musharraf to suppress freedoms and prolong his rule. Her party came to power in addition from a sympathy vote after the Musharraf government did little to provide the securtiy that could have prevented her from being shot at an election rally. With the lack of good alternatives -not the military which has provoked wars with India, not the Bhutto parties which have lasted for only short periods marked by corruption, and its not clear if the Sharif governments have done much better- its hard to say how the people of Pakistan can register their voice for responsibile democratic government which works diligently to bring services in healthcare, education, and build infrastructure, for Pakistan to keep up with the region's development....

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Holbrooke, special envoy to South Asia, meets with leaders and civilians in Pakistan.

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Simon Johnson and Peter Boone say not taking forceful action with the large banks- taking them through bankruptcy and restructuring procedures as advocated by senior Federal Reserve officials like Peter Hoenig- will only lead to irreversible damage. The current Geithner-Summers policy being followed by the Obama administration is simply to hope that by fiscal stimulus and economic recovery the banks may be brought to sustained profits and be able to muddle through their financial problems. This Johnson argues is not likely to happen and the cost will be higher debt levels for America, irreversible damage as America faces low debt and financially stronger countries in Asia and sees its position in the world weaken. The muddle through policies for banks of the Obama administration have little prospects in the face of an IMF estimated $275 billion shortfall in capital on balance sheets at large banks (from the IMF Global Financial stability Report). Without aggressive action on the banks America's recovery and renewal will only delayed....

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Serious issues raised about Ford management, strategy, new product, and a potential credit default. Is management upto the task? Ford employees say CEO Bill Ford also less visible around the automaker. They say that he is no longer at the employee cafeteria where he used to go frequently. What does one make of this and the soft marketing stuff coming out of Ford, when deep and big changes are needed. Goldman Sach's auto analyst Robert Barry say Ford's transformation is especially difficult because Ford has underinvested in cars for years and it is trying to make up lost ground. Couple of things are hitting Ford in particular- 1. Are sales in a free fall? Ford Explorer- down 30% from last year, even the Mustang down 8.5% 2. Cars sell at a steep discount -consider Focus $3060 less than average compact according to JD Power, Freestar minivan $3000 less than the Honda Odyssey, Ford Fusion $3100 less than average vehicle in that segment. The Fusion $20,150, Accord 22,200, Impala 22,100 3. While GM is weaning itself off of fleet rentals to build image, Ford is too weak to do this, fleet sales in April 30-40% of total !!! 4. Ford Credit earnings drop with the rest of the business. 5. On the probabilities of Ford credit default or bankruptcy- a chart made by J.P. Morgan in April 2006 shows the credit markets see a default more likely at Ford than at GM in two, three or five years than at GM. The probability of default in three years is 34% at GM compared to 43% at Ford. ...

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Nissan has fallen behind in China and India. It is now trying to take a new approach by being one of the first to build a small car in India that would cost initally $7000, then bring it down to $5000, and also is working to make a car in the long run for about $3000. India has a small car that runs about $5000 made by Maruti Suzuki but this model the Maruti 800 has a rudimentary design that has not been changed since 1983 and its peak time may have passed. Tata Motors is coming up with a small car costing about $2500 or 100,000 rupees w th a sales target of 2 million cars in the first 5 years, with 4 doors four to five seats, and a 660 cubic centimetre rear engine similiar to the size used in minicars in Japan. Hyundai is also big in the Indian market and holds the second largest market share after Maruti Suzuki. Honda has the Civic in India for about $17,000. And Toyota's Corolla runs $23,000 and Toyota is looking at a small car for the Indian market. Nissan is focussing on the Indian market at a time when sales in Japan are falling. The Indian strategy for a global export hub from India for small cars means Nissan has to dedicate resources and priority for this effort. Nissan and Renault plan a joint business center in Chennai. It will also mean Nissan has to break all the old rules as with the current methods margins are very low, 2-3 % on small cars, so new things have to be tried. ...

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Loukas Tsoukalis, professor of European Integration at the University of Athens and the president of the Hellenic Foundation of European and Foreign Policy, provides a view of the debt crisis from inside Greece. A default on Greece's debt of $500 billion would seriously affect other European countries and also affect the U.S. Tsoukalis says a national unity government is needed to take the bold steps that are needed to privatize state assets, cut public sector jobs and increase tax collection. Growth is critical, as an austerity program that fails to do this will fail to pull Greece out of the debt crisis. He calls for agreement on the question of who should bear how much of the cost for the mistakes of the past, taxpayers and private creditors. Discussions on this question are being undertaken by governments and private creditors as the crisis enters a new and dangerous phase. And for the countries involved in this crisis - Ireland, Portugal, Spain - there is the question of what will happen after two decades of European integration, whether these achievements will be undermined by excessive borrowing, consumption and poor financial management....

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World Bank chief Zoellick sees advantages for China to remake its industrial structure and its society especially boosting local wages and increasing the purchasing power of ordinary Chinese through a strengthening of the yuan.

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Leslie Gelb says US should focus on its strengths, on the areas that it can build on to come up with something of enduring value and not focus all one's energies on situations and troublespots that siphon off a lot of American energies. This is a good idea and should be something that policymakers at State and the National Security Council and advisers to the President could keep in mind. There is alot to be said about the Truman example of the Marshall Plan in building western Europe after the war. At the same time its not as clear cutthat troublespots and the difficult work can be avoided. Was the Berlin airlift a troublespot? And Truman had little time to respond to the invasion of South Korea from the north, acrisis he would have chosen to avoid, if he had the choice. Instead he was drawn into along drawn out war on the Korean peninsula. Still the idea that you want to save your energies and not dissipate them in conflicts which can't clearly be won is a useful one. The Korean war was fought on conventional terms so the US could point to success years later in South Korea. But for conflicts fought in the jungles of Vietnam or in the remote mountainous terrain of Afghanistan, limited objectives and willingness to consider history, customs, and local tribal cultures is very constructive. ...

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Putin was born in St Petersburg, then called Leningrad, where his father worked in a factory making railway cars. He studied law at Leningrad State University, graduated in 1975 and went through KGB training before going to Dresden in 1985, where he remained with the KGB till 1990 and the collapse of the Berlin Wall. By 1990, the Soviet Union collapsed and from 1990 to 1996, Putin worked in St. Petersburg first as assistant and then as Deputy Mayor with Anatoly Sobchak, a law professor at Leningrad State University, and Mayor of St. Petersburg. After Sobchak narrowly lost the election, Putin left for a position in the property department in the Kremlin, joining other Sobchak associates who worked in the Kremlin. From 1996 to 1999, Putin moved up quickly in the chaotic Yeltsin years. In 1998 he was promoted to head the FSB, the successor to the KGB. And in August 1999, Yeltsin appointed Putin Prime Minister. In December 1999, Yeltsin appointed Putin acting president. Putin named Medvedev, deputy chief of staff in 2000. The five years in the St. Petersburg city administration and the years in Moscow in the Kremlin under Yeltsin were chaotic years for Russia and for Putin, as he observed first hand the lawlessness and general breakdown in Russia. This may have influenced the early Yeltsin years enthusiasm for democracy, to an appreciation of the problems for democracy in the actual environment that he was facing in Russia. He developed a distrust of the innocent enthusiasm of Americans for a wholesale transfer of American and British political institutions to the Russian environment. This was a period of great shock in Russia, as even the lifespan of Russians was declining rapidly in this period, and there was a lot of poverty. The struggles between the Mayor and the city council in St Petersburg, even as the city was facing food shortages and economic collapse, and the latter Yeltsin years may have convinced Putin of the need to combine democratic society and elections with a strong central administration, with authority concentrated in a Presidential system and not a parliamentary democracy. In bringing central direction he brought in his KGB connections, but in choosing his successor he turned to a law student at Leningrad State University of Sobchak's, who is quite different from Putin's KGB associates. Medvedev is a softspoken thoughtful administrator and intellectual compared to Putin, and his experience covers the 10 years both Putin and Medvedev spent together both in St. Petersburg and Moscow in 1990-2000, and the period from 2000 to the present day- when Medvedev served both as Putin's head of staff and as head of Gazprom. See the link to the St Petersburg Times, November 6, 2007 on Medvedev. From his St. Petersburg days Putin clearly understood the need for foreign investment and the need to create a climate for attracting foreign investment. This seems to be happening as Russia draws more foreign investment for industry and infrastructure. His background with the KGB shows up in the centralization of authority in the light of the chaotic years and economic collapse preceding it. And his days as part of Sobchak's efforts to bring democracy to St Petersburg shows up in his continuing respect for democratic elections and the Russian constitution. One compromise was made in the process- a consolidation of the media so that opposition's access to the media may not be what it could be, and at the same time it does reflect the tide of popular opinion in Russia that credits the economic recovery and progress and optimism for the future to the Putin administration. ...

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Blake of the Washington Post says president Trump finds himself in the same situation as president Obama, who came into office wanting to scale down the effort in Afghanistan, and early in his presidency signed off on a troop surge under commander McChrystal. Trump in the election campaign expressed strong disapproval of interventionist policies. The deteriorating situation in Afghanistan makes it necessary to make an infustion of American troops- a policy being developed by Gen. Mattis. The change now is to insist vigorously on anti-corruption measures and good governance in return for aid.