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Jean Edward Smith who wrote on FDR, calls him the Great Divider. But he asks who today would not ask how anyone could oppose social security, and yet FDR passed Social Security against the vote of entrenched interests. And in establishing the Tennessee Valley Authority to priovide cheap electric power to the impoverished South, FDR did not consult wth utility giants Commonwealth and Southern. When he created the SEC he did not request the cooperation of those to be regulated. When passing Glass Steagall Act that separated investment banking and commercial banking he did not look for approval from JP Morgan, Goldman Sachs and Lehman Brothers. So goes the situation in September 2009 as President Obama's initiative on health care is bogged down by lack of support from Blue Dogs in the Senate and Republicans.

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Ike (President Eisenhower) quotes Eric Hoffer in his book "The True Believer", for a longshoreman's wisdom and insight. Writing to a veteran who asks Ike why the lack of certainty in his voice in 1959 as he nears the end of his second term. "Faith in a holy cause, is to a considerable extent a substitute for the lost faith in ourselves." Ike tells Biggs that, " in a democracy debate is the breath of life." That there is no universal degree of certainty, the confidence in in their understanding of our problems, the clear guidance from ahigher authority. This is important to keep in mind today as one looks at the way leaders from those in finance, industry and central banking and in government who acted as though there was this universal degree of certainty about the financial system and its workings, always to the good, and for the way in which the policies were handled in dealing with other countries. Its also true when one looks at the situation from other countries such as the period under Gandhi and Nehru in India, or Mao and Chou en Lai in China. There also what appeared to have universal certainty did not turn out thay way and policies had to be reversed and legacies examined. What Biggs wanted was "someone to speak for us and to back him completely if the statement was made in truth." And Ike's response was to say that dictatorial systems, and here one can include systems with figures who created their own sense of awe and hero image, make one contribution to their people that leads them to support such systems. And this was "the freedom from the necessity of informing themselves and making up their own minds concerning these tremendous complex and difficult questions."...

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Chuck Hagel on the need to bring in more countries to handle difficult situations such as the one the US faces in Iraq and Afghanistan. He says thats why the world now has a G20 and not a G8. No country can face these situations alone especially when there is a mutual interest of many countries in these situations. He calls it a 20th century reaction to 21st century realities. He says the 2 wars cost more than a trillion dollars. One sees a new respect for international institutions such as the UN, World Bank, IMF, and GATT renamed WTO, even with Republicans. Chuck Hagel's point makes a lot of sense and is generally accepted in people's understanding of the situation from the Defence Department to the Administration, and among respected politicians. It is putting it onto practice that is the hard part. As Hagel puts it, it is important to remember what Lyndon Johnson told Senatior Russell, that he knew the Vietnam war could not be won, and yet he did not want to pull out and be the first American President to lose a war. This is a contradiction because if it can't be won its going to be lost under the next President or the one after that, in this case Gerald Ford. Hagel says it not ours to win and lose. Here he points to the interconnectedness and shared interests of all nations. Every great threat to the U.S., whether it is economic, terrorism, nuclear weapons proliferation, health pandemics, environmental degradation, energy or water and food shortages, is also a threat to global partners ansd rivals. So its wrong to view engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan through the lens that says its about winning or losing. And he asks win what? Too many cultural, ethnic and religious dynamics are involved for any one nation to control. Hagel concludes by saying that the US, the Defense Department, the Obama administration, must get this right, as it affects the global architecture for the next generation. Fresh thinking is needed. Single issue engagement is obsolete in the 21st century in dealing with global partners or rivals, or countries with aspects of both....

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Joseph Stiglitz writes that keeping the dollar as the reserve currency is no longer the option. He tells us that it comes with some hidden costs such as a weaker global economy. Having developing countries keep hundreds of billions of dollars in the US in low interest earning reserves makes no sense considering the needs of developing countries, and the improved prospects for the USA and Europe in exports to a growing developing country economies. He points out that a new global reserve currency, with an orderly transition, may be the most important reform to ensure the longterm health of the world's economy. Its bad for the USA to keep exporting T-bills, says Stiglitz, as it does not create jobs. And its bad for all concerned as it lowers global economic growth. Especially he says when it is so unseemly for developing countries not to use the money to improve living standards in their own countries, with the help of exports from developed countries, that in the end improves global growth and the global future....

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The challenges facing Calderon as he tries to adress a number of problems at once.