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The Jihad anti-Indian groups and the Pakistan Taliban in 2009, as they disrupt life in the Punjab province.

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Of the estimated 14,400 candidates for provincial elections in Iraq, about 4000 are women. And security improvements have enabled women even in Basra to stand up for elections. In the current Iraqi constitution there is amandate for 25% of seats in Parliament to be reserved for women, but there is no such provision for provincial elected parliaments. This does not imply that years of lack of representation in the last 50 years under dictatorships, and the rule of religious parties and militias, is going to be easily overcome. Many qualified women simply don't want to risk standing for election because of threats to their safety and the male dominated culture that prevails. Its the courageous ones who are standing. The hope is that women can also put adent in the deep corruption that prevails in government and bring a new perspective and better representation of society.

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Mark Landler's interview with Hussain Haqqani in Oct. 2013 provides insights into the misperceptions on both sides of the U.S.-Pakistan relationship since 1947. Particularly the way Pakistan cannot shake free from seeing everything through the prism of India. He points out that Ambassador Holbrooke had a forward looking approach to the South Asian region, but failed to get the support of president Obama and the weak leadership of president Zardari, resulting in a squandered opportunity for the region to look beyond the twentieth century's conflicts towards a brighter future.

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Sindhi sentiment in Pakistan. Behind the calls for democracy and elections sentiment is gathering in the Sindh that supports looking after Sindhi interests. Because the Punjabi majority in Pakistan has dominated the bureaucracy and the military and looked after the interests of the Punjab. The nature of the Pakistani state not providing safeguards and devolution of power to the provinces, there is some basic underlying tension even without the problems that have been piled on it by the migration of Pashtuns and Punjabis into Hyderabad and Karanchi, and the killings of 2 popular Sindhi politicians in the Bhutto clan, and the army's suppression of a Sindhi revolt in 1983 with harsh treatment of Sindhis. Now the aftermath of the new Bhutto killing is taking a new turn with calls for Sindh and its 38 million people to go its own way. The Bhuttos have not supported it but the sentiment is now appearing to take a life of its own, disregarding Zardari and Bilwal, spouse and son of Benazir, who are said to be of Baluchi descent. The large dam on the upper reaches of the Indus river benefits military officers who own land there but shrinks water supply to the Sindh which is on the lower reaches of the Indus river. This further aggravates tensions. The province is now run by Punjabi associates of Musharraf and this does not help matters as Sindhi interests may have been ignored. If there is sentiment for a separate state, the state of Pakistan that was built in 1947 and how it has shaped itself with Punjabi military running things is not designed to handle that kind of upheaval very well. It lacks the checks and balances, devolution of powers to provinces enough to keep local representation strong, and the avenues of expressing sentiment being kept open for local ethnic communities. The Pakistan military is strong and there are nuclear weapons, but how effective is that if the goodwill and sentiment of the Sindhis is lost. In the long term the only hope may be for an economic union much like that of the EU in South Asia in which the Punjab, Baluchistan, and the Sindh could coexist with India and among themselves in whatever form the political aspect of states takes shape, making the politcal shape of states less relevant, and like the EU putting the years of internecine strife behind them. Looking towards a better economic future, open trade, investment, communication and infrastructure links in Southern Asia and parts of Central Asia and Iran. ...

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Interesting and quite useful from a sociological and psychological point of view, that people believe what they want to believe. Even today writes Slackman, the Arabs and Muslims from Dubai malls to people one meets in a park in Algiers, cafes in Riyadh, and in shops and places all over Cairo, say the USA organized 9/11 so that they could attack 2 Muslim states, Iraq and Afghanistan. If we changed it a bit and said Rumsfeld and Cheney got the perfect excuse to attack Afghanistan's Taliban government from 9/11. It created the kind of fears in the US public about terrorists, individual, or state sponsored terrorism like Iraq's against the Marsh Shiites after the Kuwait war (which was a personal affront to both Rumsfeld and Cheney as they let it happen right under their eyes), then one can extend that to say Rumsfeld and Cheney felt they now had the opportunity to get Saddam out. So once you have the US even for good moral reason eager to intervene, this eagerness may not require too much of a stretch to be seen as the US administration engineering this atmosphere by organizing 9/11, or by letting it happen. This is true for an Arab public that feels humiliated and sees a loss of respect from all the setbacks they have suffered, including in Egypt where a President has maintained himself in power for thirty long years and has American support. And most of these people haven't left their surroundings, so they haven't seen the world outside. What they beleieve is only what is possible from what they can see possible from their immediate surroundings. From a -sociological and psychological perspective this is certainly possible and even realistic. When Friedman in the New York Times says its shameless that the 2 Republican candidates can speak of being change agents when Republicans have been in power for 8 years, and still the Republican faithful and some independents believe this, they have not lost their wits but may see this in terms of their gut feel and in terms of their own personal experiences and surroundings. Even when Paul Gigot of the Wall Street Journal sees little hope from either candidate when it comes to lobbyists influencing them and proof of this from lobbyists for Fannie and Freddie as their senior advisors. Then its still possible for Republican faithful, however weird it may appear to an informed observer,to see McCain and Palin as agents of change. Same is true for Obama. ...

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Tourism is recovering in Kashmir as the violence in Kashmir is fading gradually with sporadic incidents, with a new democratically elected civilian coalition government in Pakistan which may not be interested in supporting violent factions inside Kashmir. 450,000 tourists visited Kashmir in 2007 but only 25,000 foreign tourists. The state is investing in golf courses in Kashmir to make Kashmir a golfer's destination for tourists from Europe, the Middle East and the USA. This shows that the mood there is changing and a new wind is blowing.

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Former U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates points out in this intervew with Holman Jenkins of the WSJ, that Iraq's prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, who worsened Shiite-Sunni relations, was the principal cause of the unraveling that happened in Iraq during the first term of U.S. president Obama. He says President Obama failed to do what was done by president Bush to persist and obtain Status of Forces Agreement with Iraq, to maintain a U.S. foce presence in Iraq. Presence of U.S. forces would have prevented the spread of Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. U.S. force presence would have provided a more even handed treatment of Sunnis in the region, creating the conditions for peace by having Sunnis, Kurds and Shiites continue talks about the future of Iraq. Gates grew up in Kansas in the 1950's, attended the College of William and Mary for undergraduate studies, studied Russian and Soviet history in grad school at Indiana University and Georgetown University, before joining the CIA. Gates was selected by Brzezinski to work in the White House, worked under Brent Snowcroft, and as head of the CIA (1991-1993) during the elder Bush administration. He was Secretary of Defense from 2006-2011, under presidents George Bush and Barack Obama, succeeding Donald Rumsfeld. He was succeeded by Leon Panetta, Chuck Hagel, and Ashton Carter. ...

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Colonel Stevenson's efforts to limit features on a new bomber for the U.S. Air Force to replace aging B-52's and B-1's. Contractors added a kitchenette in one design which was turned down by Stevenson and senior officers at the Air Force. Senior officers were mindful of how it might be seen by the public and aware of the need to keep costs down during a period of austerity budgets. Barnes describes the efforts of Colonel Stevenson as he led efforts to limit the new plane to essential features, turning down contractor proposals for a plane that could be converted into a drone, reconaissance and cyberdefense features, and other embellishments that would drive up the price tag per plane. In 2011 budget negotiations defense officials agreed to limit the cost to $550 million per bomber, a third of the cost of the B-2 which cost $1.8 billion per plane. Because new planes take a decade or more to design and build with cost overruns, it is also important not to venture too far into technological unknowns. This adds more time to build and proves costly. The Long-Range Bomber project started in 2011 with Secretary Gates signing off on the requirements for it to give the president the option to move quickly in a matter of hours to penetrate distant airspace. The cost is $600 million spent till Oct 2013 for research, and $8.7 billion budgeted to 2018. The Air Force is sticking to existing engine design, and Stevenson says if the technology has not been tested the Air Force is not interested in experimenting with it. In the process Stevenson finds himself trying to change the culture at the Air Force, where putting cost as the top priority is a new concept....

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"Who are the Taliban? They are the local people," says one Afghan from Marja. Another man Hamza says he will not let foreign forces raid his house. Their is fear and resentment of night raids for antinarcotics purposes. A local leader in Panjwai, west of Kandahar, says people lay mines for the Taliban only to feed their families, and says 80% of insurgents are local people driven to fight out of poverty and despair. Offered another way to lead their lives only 2% would support the Taliban. A leader in the provincial council at Helmand says people do not trust the government as it has not kept its promises in the past, so that even if they are defeated militarily and security is 100% it will take time to restore trust. This confirms earlier reports of the deep unpopularity of the Karzai government. All this reporter Carlotta Gall of the NYT finds out on the ground, in the southern provinces of Helmand and Kandahar, as the USA launches an offensive to push the Taliban back towards Pakistan. In recent years the Taliban has established control over most of Helmand and Kandahar provinces , and many villagers prefer to be left alone without foreign forces causing bombing and fighting. ...

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Zardari is described as "very, very weak" by the administration, and his popularity is only in the double digits compared to 83% says the NYT. From the standpoint of democratically elected government it is important to note that Zardari himself was never directly elected, and is highly unpopular and weak, and known for corruption. If anew election was held today its highly unlikely that he would be elected. Even Benazir Bhutto's popularity may be aresult of years of military rule, and the efforts by General Musharraf to suppress freedoms and prolong his rule. Her party came to power in addition from a sympathy vote after the Musharraf government did little to provide the securtiy that could have prevented her from being shot at an election rally. With the lack of good alternatives -not the military which has provoked wars with India, not the Bhutto parties which have lasted for only short periods marked by corruption, and its not clear if the Sharif governments have done much better- its hard to say how the people of Pakistan can register their voice for responsibile democratic government which works diligently to bring services in healthcare, education, and build infrastructure, for Pakistan to keep up with the region's development....

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Holbrooke, special envoy to South Asia, meets with leaders and civilians in Pakistan.

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Freeman contrasts the speeches given by Obama and Trump, one in Cairo after becoming president, and the other in Riyadh. Freeman says Obama did not give enough credit to American leadership and progress on women's rights, and was not critical of Iran during a period in which sectarian strife has led to the situation in Syria and Iraq. 

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Scholars and experts on the Middle East have offered their assessment and understanding of the Middle East seen through its long history. This includes Bernard Lewis at Princeton, Ramadan at Oxford, and Efraim Karsh of King's College, London. Karsh's new book "The Tail Wags the Dog," describes the story of British, Russian and American involvement in the Middle East in the 20th century and into the 21st century. Karsh offers a corrective assessment to many myths about the Middle East in 2015 with sectarian and religious conflicts, and historical volaltility- that the events in these countries are dependent on the foreign powers and influences. Karsh shows how the people in the Middle East have influenced their own narrative thorugh passions, conflicts and failure to bring together different opinions and strains of thought for peaceful progress. He sees the surge of Islamist politics in the midst of the Arab Spring as stemming from the way large parts of the population remained unaffected by the changes of twentieth century technological developments and modernization. The religious conflicts of the seventeenth century in Europe that took place just as Europe began to open up to new ideas and influences and the modern period, show how religious conflict can take place for long periods covering a continental region, before it recedes into the background. Ultimately it is the actors in these countries that have to find a way forward without engaging in continuous strife and violence, sectarian conflicts, and pulling together for a consensus around pushing economic development and progress. ...

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Friedman visits the campaign office of Abdel Moneim Fotouh, a doctor running for president of Egypt. What he finds is a lively debate among Egyptians, new and many voices discussing the future of Egypt and a transition to democratic forms of government and economic progress. One newly elected member of parliament Hamzawy tells Friedman that Islamists from the Brotherhood have about two thirds of the seats, the liberals 20%. Moderates within the Islamists like Fotouh, who left the Brotherhood, form a separate faction inside the Brotherhood. There will be a need to transcend differences and work together. Egypt is still under the rule of the military, but many democratic voices are now present and a lively debate is on which will provide the impetus for real change and progress, if properly channelled.