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Rex Tillerson, U.S. Secretary of State takes a strong stand on North Korean missile testing and nuclear program in a visit to Seoul and Beijing. He said the U.S. would be forced to take pre-emptive action "if they elevate their threat of their weapons program"  to an unacceptable level. Continuing a policy of the Obama administration following missile tests by North Korea, the Trump administration has rejected any talks with North Korea. Tillerson said that "the policy of strategic patience has ended." It was also meant to signal U.S. intentions before Tillerson goes to Beijing from Seoul. President Trump commented on Twitter; "North Korea is behaving very badly. They have been "playing" the United States for years. China has done little to help." Because China sees North Korea as a bargaining chip with the U.S., Japan and South Korea, the situation has ended repeatedly in a impasse with the North Korean nuclear and missile program continuing during the Bush and Obama administrations. This has also meant that North Korea was unlikely to collapse on its own, with China pursuing a policy of using North Korea as part of its defense policies in the region, as pointed out by Sanger in this report. As the North's missile program continues the U.S., and with the North seeing the missile program as the only way to ensure the survival of the regime, the U.S. needed to come up with a new way to tackle the situation.   ...

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With the Houthi control of northern Yemen Iran increases its influence in the region bordering Saudi Arabia. The vacuum that developed with the inaction of the Obama administrationin the U.S. and the Hollande administration in France leads to a power grab in the Middle East, with the UAE, Iran, Turkey, each aggressively pursuing its interests in the region, resulting in an enlarged area of conflict and rise in extremist movements.

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This editorial opinion in BBC News points to a Russian miscalculation on how its involvement in the U.S. elections would be seen in the U.S. Congress. The U.S. Congress voted for stronger sanctions on Russia with only 5 members in the Senate and the House of Representatives voting against sanctions- an overwhelming vote in favor of sanctions. This means future policy on Russia will be determined by the U.S. Congress, and with bipartisan support for such policies. President Trump reluctantly signed the bill, saying it took away from executive authority. Russia had hoped its efforts in favor of Trump would lead to an easing of sanctions, not grasping the role of Republicans in Congress who see interference in the democratic process in the U.S. in the same way as Democrats.

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Greg Ip points out that Saudi Arabia's effort to get back market share is not working so far as shale oil producers continue to increase production. OPEC now confronts a very different competitor in the U.S. shale oil industry- 77 different producers produce 75% of American oil production, each acting like a tech startup, with access to capital markets which are continuing to provide capital. These producers can increase or reduce production with agility, and act differently from state owned oil producers or the major western oil companies. He cites Goldman Sachs figures showing average rig in Texas Eagle Ford shale yielding 5000 barrels a day in the first year compared to 2000 barrels in 2011. This analysis also shows shale oil production cost on a declining curve- $80 in 2014 and $60 in 2015, which could upset Saudi calculations with the advances in technology. Majors such as ExxonMobil are also moving forward with the technological advances.

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Ignatius of the Washington Post presents the Egyptian protests from the lens of Obama's personal encounter with authoritarian regimes in his boyhood experiences in Indonesia and Kenya. This is covered in Obama's first book, "Dreams from My Father." Ignatius points to the movements in Indonesia and the Philippines that ousted dictators Marcos and Suharto as evidence that positive models exist for transition to democratic government after long spells of authoritarian rule. This is a view different from the pessimism expressed by Charles Krauthammer in the Washington Post on the same day- February 4, 2011- as the largest pro-democracy demonstrations were underway in Egypt. Krauthammer cites the situation in Gaza and Iran. The Wall Street Journal editorial on the same day says that Gaza is a bad example, because Hamas was allowed to contest the election without the necessary groundwork being laid; as an exception by US Secretary of State Rice. The WSJ editorial stands by the liberal democratic openings to democracy established by Bush, and earlier supported by Reagan at the Berlin Wall. The situation in Iran is actually that the elections were stolen by the Ahmadinejhad government, just as they have been stolen in Belarus, so it also may not be a good example. Ignatius points to Obama's experience as post-colonial but at the same time his administration's handling of the crisis so far has been generally described in the US media as of being caught by surprise by events and not being able to take a clear stand. ...

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Exhibitions in Istanbul from the period 1970-1980 and the violent activity from protest groups and others during that period. Lingering effects today with crackdown on journalists by the Erdogan government and polarization of public opinion.

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An indepth look at the ISIS as a vast money raising organization levying taxes on everything within its reach and paying salaries to young unemployed Sunnis willing to join the fight in Iraq and Syria.

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One military expert says even if half of the Iraqi army can be put in shape it could turn the tide against the ISIS. Advice from U.S. military experts is for the Iraqi army to focus only on the ISIS and avoid hurting relations with the Sunni population. Advisers are seen as making a difference and needed also for the tribal forces. A major difficulty is that Shiite militias and advisors from Iran play a role in the forces loyal to prime minister Maliki. Following the U.S. training of the Iraqi Army at a cost of over $25 billion there was a period under prime minister Maliki when he appointed officers more for loyalty than for military skills and training. With the U.S. withdrawal the Iraqi Army languished in this situation. Reporters from NYT and WSJ have documented extensively the weakness of the Iraqi Army in commanding officers, in training and in equipment.

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This Journal editorial points to the 3 page letter from Gen. Dempsey that make a U.S. response in Syria seem difficult and laborious, cost $1 billion a month, and endless. Gen. Keane points to the Syrian air force operating from just 6 main air strips and with about 50 aircraft out of 100 operational, using this to terrorize the opposition and the countryside indiscriminately including civilian population. Taking these out with cruise missile and other strikes is all that is needed, not even a no-fly zone says Keane. Short of a proper response the U.S. and the Obama administration could only end up leaving the Assad regime in place for longer, says the Journal. Aid to rebel groups that can then do the work of completing the transition is the right strategy, says the Journal.