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Under the rules for the European currency and the European Union there is no mechanism or process of fines or other sanctions to promote compliance to debt and deficit rules. In the case of Greece, an examination of budget reports shows that Greece never met the deficit rule of 3% for any year except 2006 and it has never been within 30 percentage points of the debt ceiling. Greece's statistics are faulty and deficit figures are continually being revised upwards. Several times the figures were quadruple what was initially reported in late 2009, for instance the deficit figure was 3.7% of GDP, then revised to 13% of GDP, setting off the current crisis for the Euro and the European Union. In 2001 Greece failed to reflect $2.2 billon in military expenses. According to Eurostat, the EU statistics authority this was 10 times what was saved from the derivatives swap arranged by Goldman Sachs to trim Greece's deficit. That transaction trimmed the deficit by one tenth of a percentage point.

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Germany's finance minister, Wolfgang Schauble, says Germany can move faster than expected to allow shared liability of eurozone debt. He also accepts the need for short term measures such as the European Stability Facility buying bonds of Spain and Italy in private markets to drive down yields. Schauble indicated this flexibility in an hour long interview with the WSJ on June 27, 2012. This comes after Angela Merkel's remarks made in talks with coalition partners the Free Democrats that she would not accept any mutualization of debt in the eurozone in her life time. Schauble reiterated his view that before joint liability of debt can take place there has to be a joint EU fiscal policy, and sequencing was critical. He called for a EU fiscal commissioner arrangement for reviewing EU member budgets and policies. At the same time he said Germany was open to some level of mutual financial support between members of the eurozone, under the right conditions.

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The trend towards hring Environment or Sustainability chief officers at companies. Not just to keep regulators away but to see how the company can develop new products or fund research for eco-friendly products, and to look at new investments and acquisitions to see that they meet environmet friendly tests.

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The differences in the negotiations relate mainly to taxes and pension cuts. Greece agreed to to phase out a special grant for pensioners with low income by 2018, but rejected immediate cuts to pension payments. Greece agreed to lenders conditions for increasing restaurant value added tax to 23%, if hotels can be kept at 13%. Greece wanted to keep a 30% discount on all value added tax rates in the Aegean Islands. Greece initially suggested increasing corporate taxes to 29%, which creditors rejected seeing that reducing economic growth. Greece then proposed increasing this to 28%. Some experts believe the two sides are not that far apart, and the bigger problem is a breakdown of trust. Antonis Samaras, the opposition New Democracy party leader, and former prime minister in 2014, said Mr. Tsipras "was bringing the country into a total deadlock." The referendum on July 5 he said, "is essentially yes or no to Europe."

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Italy's new prime minister Mario Monti, was frank in his views about depending on austerity alone to meet the debt crisis, views also shared by President Sarkozy of France. Monti told an interviewer from the German newspaper Die Welt, before meeting German chancellor Merkel in Berlin: In the absence of specific help "a protest against Europe will develop in Italy, also against Germany, which is viewed as the ringleader of E.U. intolerance, and against the European Central Bank." He went on to say-"I cannot have success with my policies if the E.U.'s policies don't change." He pointed out that economic difficulties could drive Italy to "flee into the arms of populists."

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Portugal and Italy are using innovative ways of recapitalizing the banks and reducing government debt.

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Ramon Fernandez is the head of the Treasury in France's Ministry of the Economy, Finance and Industry. He manages the work done behind the scenes in the eurozone crisis- helping France's finance minister Baroin, French president Sarkozy, Xavier Musca, the presidents chief of staff, and working with his German counterpart Jorg Asmussen. He is self-effacing and says he does what he has to do. His view on the euro is that it will be there ten years from now and stronger.

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A description of Ben Bernanke's style at the Fed and how its different from Greenspan's. Bernake has brought a more open and cooperative style with lots of questions asked of other experts of all ages and experience and in different parts of the world, with lots of discussion, testing assumptions, and looking for creative ways to and creative solutions to address the problems. Its more collaborative mode. As one Fed staffer puts its more like a seminar room at Princeton. Description from insiders on how the Fed met with advisors on August 9, a day after the ECB had acted on the mortgage crisis, and how the response by the Fed was developed on that day in a collaborative cooperative mode with a lot of participation and discussion on the Fed's next move, calming the markets and reassuring them while making sure that the Fed's actions were well thought out in all aspects for a series of moves over the next couple of months. Involvement of NY Fed's Geithner, of former Treasury Secretary Rubin and Wall Street bankers, sought out for advice by Bernanke....

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Simon Johnson reminds readers that in October 2008, Johnson, Peter Boone, and James Kwak, suggested that some European countries had given taxpayer-backed pledges to banks that had liabilities larger than their own gross domestic products. Their proposal included creation of a European Stability Fund with at least 2 trillion euros of credit lines guaranteed by all member nations, as well as Switzerland, Sweden, and the U.K., to buy time dealing with underlying insolvency in Ireland and other countries. Simon Johnson, is former chief economist of the IMF. He says the euro-zone only belatedly acted on this advice and the politicians never took responsibility for what they allowed to happen. The runaway financial globalization he says, was allowed to happen by US Treasury officials, but European banks were seriously involved in similar behaviour. These banks became too large relative to their economies, captured their regulators and acted recklessly. Europe's leaders haven't fully faced up to this and keep telling their voters that the problem is entirely because of US banks irresponsible behaviour. Ireland was the extreme example of this. And Johnson provides readers with the names of two books on the subject. David Lynch has "When the Luck of the Irish Ran Out," Fintan O'Toole has "Ship of Fools: How Stupidity and Corruption Killed the Celtic Tiger." Both laying out the intermingling of politicians, bankers and real-estate developers that resulted in the reckless growth and collapse of Ireland. In his own account in Atlantic magazine, May 2009, Johnson compared the US economc boom-bust-bailout cycle to what happened to Argentina, Russia and Indonesia. These were emerging middle class countries with crony capitalism, unsustainable debt and other problems. Johnson says, don't think these problems are limited to emerging markets. Its a global or general occurrence in which powerful people get together to build an economic model that brings growth based on debt. Under public pressure the German government keeps saying there must be burden sharing, that creditors must take losses also. Johnson says Angela Merkel and her colleagues have not thought through what signal this sends to the markets- which is to tell people to get out of Irish banks now. And the big German banks are telling the government they face big losses if Ireland or other European countries default. If the ECB can't pay, and the German taxpayer won't pay, Johnson asks, does the IMF have the resources to tackle Spain? If China offers to recapitalize the IMF with some of its $2.6 trillon in reserves, and becomes the largest shareholder, would the IMF headquarters be moved to Beijing as the Articles of Agreement require for the largest shareholder. ...

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Gikas Hardouvelis was finance minister during a crucial period of impementation of the 2012 bailout program for Greece from June 2013 to Jan. 2015. Here he outlines the mistakes he sees made by the IMF in not agreeing to the 7.2 billion payment to Greece in 2014, 4% of Greece GDP, with one third of that not a loan. At the fifth review of the 2012 bailout the EU commissioner for economic affiars, Pierre Muscovici , said Greece had completed its requirements and the 7.2 billion euro funding should be released. Yet he says the IMF to preserve leverage over a future Syriza administration in the 2015 elections decided to hold back. This made it harder for the Samaras administration to tell voters that it had completed the program a year earlier, and the lack of the funds hurt the Samaras administration as it erased signs of growth that had appeared in early 2014. Following this error he points to 4 mistakes made by the Syriza Tsipras government. The first was that it was bitterly opposed to the lenders (IMF, EU and ECB) and failed to focus on the economy. Hardouvelis points out that the maturity of the debt of 16.5 years and low interest rates meant that it was not the immediate issue facing Greece, and he calls it very manageable. This was not to say that it was important but with creditors worried about moral hazard, other issues could be taken up first. Another mistake was to allow a loss of liquidity to the private sector so that prospects of growth were erased. The new finance minister acted as if the $7.2 billion infusion was not important and let payments be delayed. Tsipras and Varoufakis let the uncertainty increase in the private sector, and let the economy decline all the way to the closing of the banks. How costly was this is evident from the IMF's own paper in Juy 2015 and the 3 page update of July 14, 2015, on the Greek debt, showing it cost Greece a total of 60 billion euros in additional financing needed and an additional 25 billion euros for the shock from the closing of the banking system. That 3 page IMF paper shows that within the space of one year a shocking amount of damage was done by Syriza left government- it says Greece went from being on track for reaching Debt to GDP of 105% by 2022 under the Samaras-Hardouvelis administration in July 2014, to 142% by June 2015, and with the closing of the banking system to 170% by July 2015. Some of this would have come from the IMF's own withholding of the 7.2 billion euro payment to the Samaras government. ...

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Landon Thomas looks at the European Financial Stability Facility, the organization that was formed in May 2010 to be the mechanism for raising and channeling funds to troubled eurozone economies Ireland, Greece and Portugal. He describes its evolution, its new responsibilities under the July 2011 eurozone agreement, and the difficulties it might face. The credibility of the EFSF is critical to the solution being worked out by eurozone leaders. The EFSF is based in Luxembourg and is headed by Klaus Regling, a German economist and a top official in the European Commisson's financial division. The EFSF raises funds in the financial markets. With Germany as the largest backer the EFSF is able to raise funds at low interest rates such as 3.3% for 10 years at one recent offering. The fund has a triple-A rating. In June and July the stability fund raised 8 billion euros in two auctions. It plans to come to the market four times during the rest of 2011 for funds to support Ireland and Portugal. The EFSF will need new powers and structure to meet its new role as the principal mechanism for solving the crisis. It is now given the role of the buyer of last resort for the bonds of troubled eurozone economies. This means national parliaments in the eurozone will have to approve these new powers and resources. One concern in financial markets is how the EFSF would deal with the needs of Italy or Spain if one of the two economies runs into trouble. Italy and Spain consitute 30% of the EFSF's backing, if they were to run into problems, would the burden fall disproportionately on France and Germany? And because France may have public finance problems of its own with declining competitiveness, does this mean Germany would be the real backer in that situation....

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The inflation rate in the eurozone showed a decline of 0.2% in December 2014, showing the first signs of deflation. This is the first sign of deflation since 2009. The unemployment rate for the eurozone remained at 11.5% in November, with the rate in Germany improving to 6.4% in Dec. from 6.5% in Nov., but unemployment reaching 13.4% in Italy. Dutch finance minister Jeroen Dijsselbloem, points to low energy prices, and core inflation data showing that excluding energy and food prices the core inflation rate increased to 0.8% in Dec. 2014 compared to 0.7% in November 2014.

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Spain sold 4.5 billion euros of debt, on Jan 17, 2013. The average interest rate on 2 year bonds was 2.71%, down from 3.36% in Dec. 2012. The interest rate on the 10 year Spanish bond was at 5.03%.

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Advertising revenues increased for Google, Facebook and Amazon in 2020 as these three companies took over 50% of total ad revenues in 2020. Large companies shifted more ad spending from television and print media to digital in the pandemic after finding the return on ad spending was increasing on digital. Smaller companies including the jump in startup companies increasing from 300,000 a month over the decade to 500,000 by July 2020, put all their ad dollars into digital. The result is that the pandemic has given the 3 digital companies a dominant role in the advertising economy. More time spent in front of computer screens, more ec-commerce, new business formation, and tech companies ability to steadily increase return on ad investment, has produced strong revenue generation. The pandemic had the effect of increasing retail purchases online from 10% to 16% in the second quarter of 2020. Biscuit maker Mondelez found that return on ad spending was 25% higher on digital compared to television and now spends about half of its $1.1 billion ad budget on digital. Trendy garment makers are seeing returns on ad spending that are high with quadrupling of sales following a doubling of ad budget for active apparel maker Vuori of California. Small advertisers such as Vuori are the reason digital ad spending has remained strong for Google, Facebook and Amazon. For furniture maker Steelcase in Michigan the return on ad spending on digital using Amazon made up for the lack of sales from its brick stores. It increased online staff from 2 to 25 and was able to bring in $30 in sales dollars from $1 in digital ad spending. ...

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Christian Noyer, the Governor of the Bank of France, says that the supervisory infrastructure and deposit guarantee structure for the eurozone has not kept up with the creation of a single currrency, leaving an obvious gap that has to be fixed. Of particular importance is the link between sovereign and banking risks that is behind dangers in today's eurozone crisis, especially in Spain, which he says should be broken. The creation of a single euroarea supervisory authority is a prerequisite for a deposit guarantee fund that will separate and delink bank and sovereign risks. The other step is to create a banking resolution scheme similiar to what the U.S. has setup, with the FDIC having a resolution plan to come in and unwind a failing bank, include large banks with systemic risk.