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The foreign policy establishment and the Obama administration is caught completely by surprise by the protests in Egypt against the 30 year rule of Mubarak. Secretary of State Clinton makes shifting statements on the protests. The WSJ editorial reminds the state department that support for democratic government worked in the Philippines and S. Korea. The Journal points to the state department realists who opposed President Bush's efforts to reach out to civil society groups inside Egypt. And refers to US Ambassador Frank Ricciardone's admiration for President Mubarak and his downplaying of US support to democracy for Egypt. The Wall Street Journal in this editorial concludes by saying it can't see how the US can walk away from supporting those who favor more pluralism in politics.

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Stephen Hadley, national security advisor to President George W. Bush, says there is every likelihood that the new government in Egypt after the departure of Mubarak will be non-Islamist and committed to a free and democratic Egypt. Such an Egypt would he says become a leader of a movement toward freedom ad democracy in the Arab world. Reports from Egypt in the New York Times and Washington Post show that the protests are led by younger people, many of them under 30 years of age, educated and middle class, interested mainly in moving Egypt to a democratic government and economic opportunity for all.

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The night of January 29, 2011, in Alexandria Egypt, as the Egyptian people of all classes of society, ordinary citizens, overcome massive police presence and tear gas. The writer directs the global emergencies program at Human Rights Watch. He saw firsthand the attacks by security forces of the Mubarak regime on unarmed protestors calling for Mubarak to step down after 30 years of autocratic rule, and the restoration of basic freedoms.

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What is the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and what does it mean for the US in the current protests? The Muslim Brotherhood was started in Egypt in 1928, in the colonial days, by an imam and schoolteacher named Hassan al-Banna. The intent was to act as a grassroots organization to promote the reform of Egyptian society through a greater adherence to Islam, by preaching and social services. Scott Shane talks with Reidel of the Brookings Institution and Shadi Hamid, director of research at the Brookings Quatar Center about the Brotherhood and Israel. Reidel was the Egypt desk officer at the CIA when Mubarak came to power in 1981, and is an experienced observer of the Muslim world at Brookings. Reidel says if we want democracy in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood is going to be a big part of this, and we should be engaging and talking to them now. Hamid responds to a question about terrorism by pointing out that the Al Quaeda hates the Brotherhood and the Brotherhood hates Al Quaeda, that for counterterrorism engaging with the Brotherhood would be helpful to the US. On Israel, Hamid says years of accomodation to the real world has brought a knowledge that the Brotherhood has to live in the real world and the geopolitics of the Middle East. Carrie Wickham, a political scientist at Emory University, is author of "Mobilizing Islam," a 2002 book on Egypt and the Muslim Brotherhood. Carrie says it was analogous to evangelical Christians and their goal of sharing the word of God, but Banna also referred to Jihad as a struggle against colonialism and Zionism. Some leaders such as Sayyid Qutb, who was imprisoned by the Egyptian government and executed in 1966, advocated violent jihad, but after the 1970's the Brotherhoods formally renounced violence as a means of achieving power. In 1984 the Brotherhood reached another point in its evolution when it competed in parliamentary elections. And estimates of its actual support begin at about 20% of the electorate. Another development is the relative youthfulness of the April 6th and other movements in Egypt, where two thirds of the people are under 30 years age. The Muslim Brotherhood leaders are much older and hesitated to join the popular movement in its early stages. On the question of the Brotherhood's future evolution and winning a large role in a future government, Carrie says that a system of checks and balances has to be established to ensure that the Brotherhood operates as a democratic party committed to the democratic process. The Wall Street Journal in an editorial on February 4, 2011, emphasizes the need for institutional checks and balances. Carrie says rewriting the constitution and electoral process to ensure that this happens and no one party can take abslute control is crucial. ...

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The Muslim Brotherhood and the democracy movement activists in Egypt reject any connection to Iran, Hezbollah or Islamic movements in other parts of the Middle East.

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Efforts by Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates to influence or slow the transition to democracy in Egypt.

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The Egyptian military announced the names of a eight member Constitutional Committee. The committee will be given the task of rewriting six articles of the constitution. These articles relate to presidential term limits, judicial oversight of elections, and parts related to curbing the president's powers to amend the constitution and restrict civil liberties, including sending civilians to military tribunals. The committee is asked to come up with recommended rewriting of these articles in 10 days. Reports say the constitutional changes will then be put to a popular referendum. The committee will be led by Tareq al-Bishry, who is a retired judge and a prominent historian. Mr Bishry and a Cairo University law professor, Atef al-Bana, are thought to be followers of a modern Islamic school of thought. Other members are Sobhi Saleh, a popular member of the Muslim Brotherhood who represented Alexandria in parliament from 2005 to 2010. About the selection of the committee, Abdel Yousef, a senior official of ElBaradei's National Association for Change, says the names are a good sign from the military. See the heart rending account of Sobhi Saleh and a prison set on fire from which he makes his way out after his arrest during the protests. The account is by Nicholas Kulish in the New York Times, Feb 4, 2011....

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Syria after the Houla massacres and the sharpening divide between Sunnis and Alawites in Syria. Pro government thugs called shabiha using small arms are said to be responsible. The Houla area is predominantly Sunni and villages near it Alawite. The army is predominantly Alawite in a largely Sunni country. This risks bringing in other Sunni Arab countries into the conflict. U.S. Secretary of State Clinton tells students at the Royal Library in Copenhagen that China and Russia, mainly Russia, were obstacles for the Security Council to taking strong action, and this could lead to civil war.

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On February 11, 2011, the day Mubarak leaves office, Mohamed ElBaradei, has this to say in the New York Times. ElBaradei won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005, and headed the International Atomic Energy Agency. He says the only thing to fear for Egyptians and the international community is the shadow of a repressive past. He sees the rebirth of Egypt as representing the hope of a new era in which Arab society, Muslim culture and the Middle East, are no longer seen through the lens of war and radicalism, but as contributors to the forward march of humanity, modernized by advanced science and technology, enriching society by its diversity of art and culture. To get this process started he calls for a three member presidential council with one member from the military, and a transitional government of national unity to run the country. Its first tasks would be to dissolve the Parliament, abolish the old constitution, replace it with a provisional constitution. The primary job of the new interim governmet and presidential council would be to set in motion the process to turn Egypt into a free and democratic society. The first step for that process would be drafting a democratic constitution to be put to a referendum, and preparing for free and fair presidential elections within one year....

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Ignatius of the Washington Post presents the Egyptian protests from the lens of Obama's personal encounter with authoritarian regimes in his boyhood experiences in Indonesia and Kenya. This is covered in Obama's first book, "Dreams from My Father." Ignatius points to the movements in Indonesia and the Philippines that ousted dictators Marcos and Suharto as evidence that positive models exist for transition to democratic government after long spells of authoritarian rule. This is a view different from the pessimism expressed by Charles Krauthammer in the Washington Post on the same day- February 4, 2011- as the largest pro-democracy demonstrations were underway in Egypt. Krauthammer cites the situation in Gaza and Iran. The Wall Street Journal editorial on the same day says that Gaza is a bad example, because Hamas was allowed to contest the election without the necessary groundwork being laid; as an exception by US Secretary of State Rice. The WSJ editorial stands by the liberal democratic openings to democracy established by Bush, and earlier supported by Reagan at the Berlin Wall. The situation in Iran is actually that the elections were stolen by the Ahmadinejhad government, just as they have been stolen in Belarus, so it also may not be a good example. Ignatius points to Obama's experience as post-colonial but at the same time his administration's handling of the crisis so far has been generally described in the US media as of being caught by surprise by events and not being able to take a clear stand. ...

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The Obama administration's failure to correctly grasp the situation and articulate a clear position on the democracy protests in Egypt, is raising many questions. On many of the events occurring about the transition, the administration was caught unawares. And its position gave a muddled message to the people of Egypt, not a clear statement of the US support for the democratic process. Senator John McCain said in an interview: "Every day that goes by, you have to ask: who profits from this? Its the Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic extremists. There's the perception that we're on the side of Mubarak."