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A Kazakh oil project that is $30 billion over budget, with no oil produced years after the project was started in 2005, is an example of what western oil companies can run into when tackling complex projects with many partners. It also shows why oil is becoming more costly to produce, keeping upward pressure on oil prices. The project is already costing western oil companies over $50 billion. This includes Italy's Eni, Shell, Total SA, ConocoPhillips, and Exxon. The project started in 2005 with collaboration between the state oil company LMG and the western companies led first by Exxon, and then as a compromise by Eni. Part of the problem is the requiredment of the Kazakh government to hire local employees who lack the necessary experience. The gas from wells has 17% hydrogen sulfide and it took 2 years to adapt infrastructure to this type of well. Housing for staff delayed the project for a year. In 2008 a target date of 2013 was set. In 2013 the project was stopped because of pipeline leaks which have still not been fixed. Causes relate to defects in pipe and in the way the pipe deteriorates in contact with the hydrogen sulfide. Kazakh government officials have responded to the delays by adding fines for the western oil companies, including a $735 million fine related to the pipe failure and gas burning. This may have reduced the motivation of the oil companies to give priority to tackling the issues. On the Kazakh side the problem is seen as being on the outside and lacking participation in the management of the complex project....

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Eni's dividend cut and plans in 2009 to increase production.

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Petrobras and the discovery 200 miles offfshore of the Tupi field with estimated reserves of 5-8 billion barrels of light crude oil. As Brazil is self sufficient in energy with its own ethanol industry helping substitute ethanol for oil at the pump, it can become a major exporter with this find. However even with Petrobras technology and expertise in offshore drilling its a challenge as the oil is 4.5 miles below the oceans surface, and involves drilling through 7000 feet of water and 17000 feet of sand rock and massive salt layer. Cost could approach $20 billion according to analysts with current inflation in oil drilling rig costs. It involves challenges like building floating liquefied natural gas plants. Gabrielli, the Petrobras CEO thinks Petrobras has the expertise to develop it on its own. If oil majors are given the chance to join in the development the investment terms will be ones that favor Brazil. Gabrielli pointed this out saying that Brazil had already incurred most of the risk in exploration offshore so the oil majors have far less risk and Brazil should invite them only on its own terms if needed. The Tupi field puts Brazil ahead of Canada in oil reserves and in the leagues of China and Nigeria, with new Brazilian reserves at 17.2 billion from the 12.2 billion barrels currently. Brazil has invested in refineries with 2 new refineries coming up in 2010 and 2014 to increase refining capacity by 40%. It is also investing to convert heavy crude oil into diesel and $8.6 billion to reduce sulfur at 11 refineries. The Tupi field will take about 7 years to develop. Similiarly the Kashgan field in the Caspian in Kazakhstan is also in difficult in this case icy and gases filled environment that will take years for a Eni led consortium to develop. When oil does come will the demand situation have changed with new conservation taking hold in the developed world and the cars in developing countries more like the Tata Nano at 54 miles per gallon consuming less gasoline? Even with increase in energy needs of developing countries, improved efficiency and new technology for conservation brought into developing countries could if not significantly reduce, at least moderate demand. To the point where prices drop from $100 a barrel to something more affordable to developing countries....

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Is Exxon's tough negtiating stance realistic as oil majors deal with government oil companies, when the governments have more options.

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Ukraine with its rich soil used to produce 40% of the agricultural output of the Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 governments cbroke up the old state farms and gave plots to ordinary Ukrainians. These small landowners lacking the capital to invest usually planted small vegetable plots or let animal graze. About 55 million acres of arable land in Russia, Kazakhstan and the Ukraine remain uncultivated. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization in that region 494 million acres cultivated in 1992 dropped to only 437 million acres by 2005. Comparable figures for Brazil show that from 1992 are 128 growing to 146 million acres by 2005, and China growing from 306 to 350 million acres by 2005. The USA's figures show slight drop from 454 to 432 million acres by 2005. These 55 million acres of rich agricultural land can produce an additional 115 million metric tons of wheat per year which would be 20% of the total world production today. For this to happen this small plots have to be stitched together to form larger modern farms which can get captial investment and be run along modern lines. This is being attempted in the region by several companies. Landkom and other companies are trying to do this even though this is a difficult environment to operate in with corruption high in Ukraine and the attitude to foreign investment not always positive. With a large part of technology gains in agriculture already harnessed the search is now for more arable land to be put into cultivation....

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Wang Lequan, who is the party leader for Xinjiang, is aprotege of Chinese President Hu . He was pulled into the party from Hu's days in the Chinese Communist Youth League. He is from Shadong province China's industrial and petroleum capital. Because of his familiarity with the oil industry Wang may have beeen transferred to Xinjiang province. He arrived in Xinjiang just as the Soviet Union was dissolving, and the central Asian administrative regions that were formed inside the Soviet Union were becoming independent countries. China's army had occupied Xinjiang in 1949 under Mao. Millions of Chinese were leaving the Xinjiang area and the thinking was that the Uighur Muslims of Xinjiang would also form their own country. What happened was that Wang reestablished the Chinese presence in Xinjiang province. He opened the Xinjiang region's oil and gas fields to drilling, laid pipelines east to China and west to Kazakhstan. A Production and Construction Corps was formed so that Chinese soldiers leaving the army service could find work, and this was later listed on the Shanghai Stock Exchange. With growing industry and government jobs, many Chinese were attracted back to Xinjiang. In the 1990's 2 million Chinese went back to Xinjiang. At the same time his policies may have had the effect of making the local Uighur people feel that their culture and language weere being threatened and they needed to fight for its survival. Wang acting with dictatorial powers tightly constrained Uighur culture and religion. He substituted Mandarin for Uighur in primary schools, saying minority languages were "out of step with the 21st century," and banned or restricted Islamic practices among government workers, including the wearing of beards and head scarves and religious practice like fasting and praying while at work. He has been Communist party leader in Xinjiang for 15 years, which is unusually long, such jobs usually only lasting 10 years. SInce 9/11 Wang has fought hard to limit the influence of separatism, and the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, an Uighur group, and he has swept up thousands of Uighurs accused of terrorism or religious extremism. He worked to have the East Tukestan group listed as Al Quaeda allies by the Bush administration in 2002. He is closely allied to President Hu who supported Wang, giving him a seat on the Politburo. Wang's protege in Xinjiang has been placed in charge in Tibet. There is a sense with Wang and Hu, that a failure now in Xinjiang and in Tibet to control unrest would lead others in the Chinese leadership who think differently on theses issues to bring a different leadership to succeed them. The difficulty here is that the Han who now comprise 40% of the population in Xinjiang, and are heavily involved in the oil and gas industry, have brough a modernizing influence to Xinjiang but may not be received by the Uighurs as apositive influence. First any government that is in power for as long as 15-20 years tends to lose support over time. This happened with the Congress in Kashmir. Too powerful or corrupt, and lose touch with the young people. But compared to India the democratic ways of that country have helped it recognize the need for respecting the language, religion and culture of the people of each region. The British did the same, so it was something that went back to British times. With the monopoly of power of the Communist party, lack of precedent and amodel to follow that respected different culture and languages, the intolerance of Uighur and Tibetan language, religion and culture, creates a different situation in China. Elections were held in Kashmir recently and an effort is being made for reconciliation with different groups, the media is open and different voices are heard. No such prospect remains for Tibet and Xinjiang. ...