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Wang Huning, who has shaped the policies of three Chinese presidents, was a professor at Fudan University in Shanghai, before beng selected by president Jiang Zemin in 1995 to join the Communist Party of China's Central Policy Research office. The Policy Research Office provides research and guidance on foreign and domestic policy to China's leadership body, the Politburo. Huning was dean of the law school at Fudan, and head of its international politics department. He studied French at a foreign languages school during the Cultural Revolution upheavals in China, before going to Fudan University in 1978. Xi Jinping, the current president, was sent like many other Chinese leaders to work on a farm in the countryside during that period. In that same year 1978, Li Keqiang, the current prime minister moved to Peking University, after taking the first university entrance exams in 1977 following the Cultural Revolution. Li studied western constitutional law, later focussing on urbanization for his postgraduate work. Huning studied in the U.S. in 1989 and is familiar with the American system, western concepts of government and economy. His specialization at the international politics department was in comparitive politics- the systems of government of different countries- and he is seen by experts as having been a key influence in defining China's path making move to build a market economy under public ownership, seeing it possible for the two to work together. In 1991 Huning published "America Against America," critiquing the American political system and pointing out that in American democracy major economic decision making powers still rested mainly in private consortiums, with this acting as a constraint on political democracy. These ideas gradually evolved into ways to manage China in a world with alternative systems and political history. For Huning the question facing China was one of of finding its own workable model based on its history and experience, and need to manage the transition to a modern economy in a stable environment. Huning is now part of the Politburo and a candidate for a seat on the Standing Committe in 2017. At 57, he is expected to be part of the leadership for the next decade, having helped three presidents shape domestic and foreign policy, setting the direction for China's transition to a modernized economy and a political system that accomodates the needs of a new generation....

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Why polluting industries and colluding local government officials who are judged on the rate of economic growth achieved have come together and become entrenched to thepoint where its hard for the central government to implement pollution control measures. Deng's response to a sluggish socialist bureaucracy was to give power to local government officals to promote growth and to be judged on that basis. The environmental ministry and the environmental protection departments are very small and lack the resources to control these industries. And NGO's and the informed public and citizens are powerless to demand change as they are seen by the government as risking social stability by risking growth. After the East Asian crisis China anticipating a slowing down in competition with recovering Asian economies pushed harder for more economic growth. As a result production of steel set new records and the addition of power generating capacity each year surpassed the total power generation of countries like Britain and France.But this power generation does not use the modern technology available as it is costlier and takes longer to build. So a lot of short run decisions are being made in the interests of growth. An effort to introduce Green GDP backed by President Hu Jintao was dropped after it ran into a lot of resistance. Using this about 3 points of GDP were deducted from the 10% growth as environmental cost. This was based on modest environmental costs estimates and did not take into account the entire cost of pollution to health and the environment. China's own environmental experts think that Western estimates of environmental costs are if anything on the conservative side as they are based on models used in the west and conditions in China have little precedent in the scale and range of environmental degradation. Coal is burned to produce two thirds of the energy and uses older technology for power generation, it is a big polluter of the environment. And the modest energy efficiency goals set by the central government are not being met as a result China is already expected to be consuming as much energy in 2010 as it was expected by its own planners to be consuming in 2020. To informed outsiders it appears that the polutting process is systemic in its nature and only political change that allows people who are suffering the worst effects of this pollution to make their voice heard, can lead to reversing the trends that have been set in place from the Deng period of economic change that started in the 80's. ...

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Xi Jinping visits a dairy farm in Ireland and kicks a ball at a Gaelic football game. A new view of the Chinese leader up close in contacts with people in Ireland. Ireland takes on the presidency of the EU in 2013.

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China's new leader Xi Jinping and the prospects for U.S. and European business. Little is known of how Xi will change things except for his personal style during his visit to Iowa during the U.S. trip.

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President Hu Jintao at the opening of the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. China's goal is to quadruple per capita GNP by 2020 compared to 2000. Population is expected to increase by 200 million people by 2020. While he described rampant corruption, the degradation ogf the environment and disparities between the urban and rural areas andbetween the coastal and interior areas as the major challlenges facing China he gave few details on how he planned to meet these challenges suggesting that not much that is new is being planned to address these challenges. He also pointed to the need for consumption driven growth moving away from the present export driven growth, but offered few details on how this would be addressed. This suggests that while Chinese leaders recognize some of the challenges facing them they may not understand the severity of these challenges as time passes or they have not the will to address them with major changes in the current model of economic growth or that the momentum of th currrent model is so great and the power is so spread out in China between different provinces and local regions in meeting economic goals of GNP growth that the central government cannot make major changes withouth the whole system losing some of its momentum and they fear that that would lead to problems that they would be even less effective in dealing with and the system could then come apart with the Communist Party being unable to direct things as the "core" leadership of the country....

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In an essay published on March 16, 2012, in Seeking Truth, the Communist party's main ideological publication, Xi Jinping cited the importance of consensus decisionmaking in the Chinese leadership now and in the future. "All decisions on major undertakings must adhere to the Party's principle of democratic centralism... They can't be decided by an individual or a small group of people... but should be decided according to collective wisdom and strict procedure." The efforts of Bo Xilai, the Communist leader in Chongqing, were seen as "playing to the crowd." By reviving Mao theory and advocating policies which would mean more participation by the state in the economy, Xilai was moving in the opposite direction of a World Bank-DRC Report on the Chinese economy- supported by the next premier Li Keqiang- that calls for less dominantt role of the state owned companies in the economy. Bo Xilai recently resigned as party head in that province. The essay is based on a speech on March 1 by Xi Jinping at the Central Party School, the Communist party's leading think tank. Xi said "if you crave to be ostentatious, to play to the crowd, and seek personal gains and high office, and if you don't aim for higher goals, it is not only difficult to push forward the work of the Party and the people, but also damages the Party's image, lets people down, and makes them lose faith in us." This sets the tone for consensus leadership in China, based on collective wisdom and careful thinking, into the next generation....

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Xi Jinping's childhood years were spent during the Chinese Cultural Revolution. He studied for a degree in chemical engineering after the end of the Cultural Revolution. He belongs to the group of leaders who worked to form the consensus around the current leadership and the leadership of Jiang Zemin. Little is known of his views on many issues.

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China's state run companies constitute about 45% of China's economy, according to the U.S.-China Economic and Security Commission. This includes banks such as Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, China Petrochemical Corp. or Sinopec Group, and China Mobile.

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A brief history of Xinjiang which translates as New Frontier in Chinese. Its the western frontier of China and a vast area that comprises the desert region of the Tarim basin. It has 13 sizeable ethnic minority groups and borders eight countries. Because of the lack of irrigation technologies these arid expanses were settled very late in history, says Victor Mair, a Professor of Chinese language and literature at the University of Pennsylvania. Even the Uighurs were tribes from the Mongolian steppes who settled Xinjiang in the 10th century. For China it was mostly aplace for havin border military garrisons. Around the 10th century and the Tang dynasty in China, trade on the Silk Road- with places like Kashgar oasis towns on the fringes of the desert as hubs- was at its height. It was not until 1760 under the Quing dynasty of ethnic Manchus, that this area was annexed by CHina and serious effort made to settle it with demobilized troops. A civil and military administration encouraged immigration, say scholars Millward and Perdue in a 2004 book of essays by 16 scholars, "Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland." About 50,000 demobilized troops were offered benefits, seeds and land if they stayed. A similiar situation seems to have been repeated after Mao annexed Xinjiang in 1949. In the early 1950's the Chinese government established the Xinjiang Province Production and COnstruction Corps, which was setup to manage large farms and construction projects called bingtuan and provide jobs for demobilized troops. The bingtuan are profitable enterprises and an estimated one of every six people in Xinjiang are employed in bingtuan, or 1.3 million people. THe HAn who were 6% of the population in 1949, now comprise 40% of the 20 million population of Xinjiang. Another source of employment is in the oil and gas industry, with the Communist party secretary of Xinjiang for the last 15 years being aprotege of President Hu Jintao, from his days in the Communist Youth League, coming from the oil industry province of of Shandong. These jobs are mostly all reserved for Chinese which causes resentment among the local Uighurs. Wong quotes a Uighur university student as saying, who is the foreigner here and whose culture, language and way of life should be protected. This may be the crux of the grievances of the Uighurs, as their use of the language and religious practice is restricted, and they feel they are second class citizens in their own land. Other articles in the NYT and Economist go to point out that the links with international terrrism are not a source of the problem, and the unrest among the Uighurs is more about a feeling of loss of culture, language, religion and identity, and jobs. And the idea that the best way to work with minorities, or regions with different language, religion and culture, just as the British did in South Asia and India is doing now is through tolerance. See the links to NYT and Michael Wines on 7/11/2009 about the Communist party secretary for Xinjiang, Wang Lequang, whose policies in Xinjiang and now in Tibet through a protege, may be worsening this situation. ...