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The Turkish lira gained 11 percent against the dollar in the 6 months between early May 2010 and October 2010. Turkey's current account deficit has widened from a small surplus to a gap of 5% of GNP. But political leaders take pride in the lira's rise and are doing nothing to curb the rise. Large capital inflows into Turkey are chasing higher rates, and helping finance the current account deficit.

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When George Osborne took over at the British Treasury the deficit was 10.2% of GDP. Osborne's hope in 2010 was that the budget could be balanced by 2015, now it looks like this will happen in 2019 or later.The forecast for the end of the 2015 fiscal year is a deficit of 5% of GDP. Lower than expected tax receipts are a big reason for the difficulty in lowering the deficit. The Office for Budget Responsibility, the budget agency, has reduced the forecast for tax receipts for 2015-2019 by 87 billion pounds. This means further spending cuts will be needed, according to OBR. Budget surplus is not expected before 2019. This is happening even though lower inflation and lower market interest rates have helped reduce outlays to service the debt. OBR assumes productivity will increase to 2% for the budget to be balanced in 2019. At the average productivity growth rate of 0.5% seen since 2008, the budget deficit will still be 2.2% in 2019, in another scenario of numbers run by OBR.

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Academy Heights Elementary, of Pinehurst, N. Carolina, is expected to close as part of the cost cutting efforts in North Carolina. The state is trying to close a budget deficit. Monroe County's superintendent proposed closing the school to save $500,000. The school has a 98% pass rate on state exams, an award winning math program. It is ranked the second best kindergarden to 5th grade schools in North Carolina. Parents and teachers point out that many of the students come from middle class families where both parents are working, and military families from Fort Bragg, and this is not just the demographics of being near Pinehurst resort; as higher income parents tend to send their children to private schools. They point to the way staff, parents and students work to create an environment that challenges children to learn. The questions here remain ones that are being taken up throughout the country- how to invest or disinvest in education in the face of budget deficits. Should education take cuts and how much? Another twist here is that Academy Heights is in a depressed black neighborhood of Tarrytown whose residents go to to other schools even though Academy Heights urges students from Tarrytown to apply. It is an elementary school and as elementary education has a special role to play in early childhood development, how much of these cuts should fall on elementary schools? Should the best schools be cut under any circumstances or should they be supported with sacrifices made elsewhere or do moderately higher taxes make sense in these situations? Does it make sense to preserve existing excellent schools even as the search for improvement in educational systems takes place -with investments like the $290 million the Gates foundation is committing to improving selected schools? produce excellence in other schools?...

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Former U.S. Treasury secretary Robert Rubin talks to Charlie Rose about the August 2 Debt Ceiling and Deficit legislation. He says there are two constructive things about the legislation. There are no serious cuts in 2011 and 2012, so there will be almost no loss in demand as spending cuts do not affect the immediate 18 month period. Former Treasury Secretary Summers also makes this point. And that the cuts include defense and non-defense. He favors the approach of the Bowles-Simpson Commission. On the overall situation Rubin points out the importance of getting a real public discussion going about what this means, what the consequences of decisions made now. Especially important for Rubin is public understanding of the importance of setting up a serious deficit reduction program that sets the date of implementation a couple of years into the future to give time to get back on track, and the need for increased revenues. A useful point Rubin makes is that the question of jobs and the question of getting into a sound position fiscally are really the same question. He cites his experience in 1993 when he helped President Clinton setup and implement a deficit reduction program- which had half spending cuts and half revenue increases. Bowles-Simpson Commission recommendations for closing loopholes for tax expenditures and Martin Feldstein's similiar proposal for limiting the deductions and exclusions to 2% of Adjusted Gross Income offer an option that creates revenues without any tax increases....

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Krauthammer says he favors the Boehner Plan because the two stage debt ceiling hike will give time for negotiations and public scrutiny of plans for entitlement and tax reforms. He is critical of the Reid Plan because more than half of the $2 trillion deficit reduction under the plan comes from not continuing surge spending in Iraq and Afghanistan for the next 10 years, which he calls outrageous and fictional savings. The lack of Obama's own plan even after setting up and receiving the report of the Bowles-Simpson deficit commission is a sore point for him and other observers, demonstrating a stark failure to lead. Tea party advocates will need a new mandate in 2012 where they control more than just the House of Representatives to push for their plan of aggressive deficit reduction and a balanced budget. Krauthammer sees the Obama stimulus, auto bailouts, health-care reform, financial regulation, and the current battle over deficit spending as a large Keynesian gamble which has failed to revive the economy. A choice on limiting government or a different set of policies should now be left to voters to decide....

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DJT selects as Treasury Secretary, Scott Bessent, who was Chief Investment Officer for George Soros before starting his own hedge fund. Bessent was investment officer for George Soros when he made the bet against the British sterling currrency. His hedge fund manages $500 million in assets. He supported Mr. Trump in his first bid in 2016 and joined his campaign effort at a time when Nikki Haley was in the primaries. While campaigning he offered economic advice to DJT and said  Trump should strive for 3+3+3 for the economy cutting the deficit to 3% of GDP, 3% GDP growth to reduce the deficit with more tax revenues, and 3 million barrels a day of oil production in the US.

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Allan Blinder gives a spirited account of what he sees in the Paul Ryan Republican deficit reduction plan. He says that with the voucher plan retirees would fall further and further behind the increasing cost of health insurance. With no explicit cost containment proposals it assumes that some kind of miracle will occur for costs to be kept in check- especially as Republicans want to repeal the cost containment proposals in the President's healthcare plan. He asks whether someone is saying, that we have to destroy Medicare so it can be saved. Ryan woulld also turn Medicaid into a block grant, then underfund it and let the states figure it out when they are in a budget squeeze. Blinder points to the estimates of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, that show about two-thirds of Ryan's budget cuts would come from programs that serve low and moderate income Americans. And to make matters worse the steep spending cuts go to finance tax cuts that largely benefit the wealthy. He calls this Robin Hood operating in reverse, and coming on top of 30 plus years of rising inequality. David Stockman makes a similiar point on the editorial pages of the New York Times, April 24, 2011; also adding the point that the middle class will have to pay higher taxes for the deficit to be addressed, something President Obama's plan fails to do. Blinder says that the Bowles-Simpson and Rivlin -Domenici proposals attack the deficit reduction problem in a better way, that asks something from all classes and interests. ...

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Alan Simpson of the Bowles-Simpson Commission describes the task the super-committee faces in coming up with $1.2 trillion in savings for deficit reduction under the recently passed legislation.

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Global austerity measures could lead to a weaker and slower recovery in the absence of other policy actions to tackle the deficits in the medium term.

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Martin Feldstein says the eurozone summit of Dec. 9, 2011, was a failure because the plan for closer economic integration and financial discipline does not address the immediate problems of increasing bond yields for Italy and Spain. The summit concluded with decisions to set up a constitutional rule for each euro-zone country to balance its budget, take corrective action if the "structural" deficit exceeds 0.5% of GDP, and impose penalties if the actual deficit is larger than 3% of GDP. German chancellor Merkel wanted to have these rules put in a revised version of the EU Treaty, enforceable by the European Commission through the European Court of Justice. With Britain not agreeing to accept the plan without safeguards it requested, the new rules apply to the eurozone only, are not part of a revised Treaty and are not enforceable by EU institutions. Feldstein says it is wrong to have a common solution for Italy and Greece. For Greece the best option is to go back to the drachma, because of its shrinking economy and high debt load, and the need for a competitive currency. Italy, he says has a good chance of convincing investors to lower yields by taking strong steps. Italy's fiscal deficit is 4% of GDP, and the IMF projected Italy would have a balanced budget in 2013. How should Italy plan for the 300 billion euros of Italian bonds that need to be sold in the next 12 months? Feldstein says only 40 billion euros are needed to finance the projected budget deficit and for the rest is for existing bonds to be rolled over when they are due. Italy can repay the maturing debt with new bonds and not cash. And Italy can get the help of the IMF for some of the funds needed. On the issue of the ECB engaging in large scale buying of Italian and Spanish government bonds, Feldstein says Mario Draghi is doing the right thing by rejecting French proposals to do this, because this would be against ECB rules in the Maastricht Treaty to bailout governments and would reduce the incentive to make changes in Italy and Spain for lower deficits. ...

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Lawrence Summers, former U.S. Secretary of the Treasury, writes on August 2, the day the debt ceiling deal passed the U.S. Congress. His reaction to the deal is one of relief, cynicism and economic anxiety. Relief that the deal does no immediate damage to the economy, which he says is no small achievement. This comes from not denting the U.S. safety net of Medicaid, Social Security and other social programs in the midst of high unemployment. And raising the debt ceiling through 2012 avoids a repeat of the kind of tense negotiations that took place recently. Cynicism because with the revised information from the Commerce Department of 0.4% growth in the first quarter and 1.4% growth in the second quarter of 2011, the new forecast of U.S. budget deficits would be much higher in the years further out. A mere loss of one half percentage point in the annual rate of growth could add $1 trillion dollars to the national debt in 2021. Summers points out that Congress votes annually on discretionary spending and a current Congress cannot control what a future Congress does. Caps and sequester deals can be reformulated in 2013 by a new Congress. This deal says Summers has only confirmed the lower levels of spending already negotiated for 2011 and 2012, even though the estimates show $1 trillion in deficit reduction. For the remaining $1.2 trillion in reductions to be negotiated by the "super-committee" there is no baseline for these cuts- it is not stated whether this baseline is with the Bush high income tax cuts included or excluded. His economic anxiety comes from the low rate of growth in the first half of 2011 which suggest an economy at close to a standstill. He sees a one in three chance of a U.S. recession in the absence of any efforts to spur growth. Martin Feldstein was quoted on television business channels on August 2, saying he sees a 50% chance of the economy slipping back into a recession. Steps Summers advocates are a non-extension of the Bush high-income tax cuts which would add $1 trillion to deficit reduction, some entitlement reform, extension of the payroll tax cut, extension of unemployment insurance, and infrastructure maintenance....

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This report by Timiraos in WSJ describes the tussle between supply siders led by Mike Pence and David Malpass with the zero sum advisors who advised Trump on trade during the campaign. The zero sum advisors are focussed only on how to turn trade to improve the U.S. position and cut trade deficits. The supply siders are trying to show that trade can benefit the U.S. only that it needs to be adjusted so that it works better for the U.S.

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Lower oil prices, higher corporate profits, and restrained spending, lead to improvements in Japan's budget deficit. There is a 24% increase in corporate taxes in Japan's budget estimates for 2015 compared to Dec. 2012 when prime minister Abe assumed office. This will help reduce the budget deficit. The budget assumes an oil price of $69, making the budget plan achievable with prices below $50 in Jan. 2015. For the next fiscal year tax revenue is expected to increase by 5.4% over the prior year, with half of the increase from the sales tax increase and the other half from the higher economic growth. Budget projections assume 3.6% global economic growth, exports up by 5.2% in real terms, and imports up 3.9%. Spending is kept under control increasing by just 0.5% from the current fiscal year budget, and borrowing reduced by 11%. The government plan is to produce a primary budget surplus by 2020, and cut the deficit by half in the primary budget which excludes bond issuance and interest payments, by fiscal 2015....

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Brooks is critical of Republican intransigence over reducing tax expenditures in the negotiations with the Obama administration in early July 2011.The Bowles-Simpson commission on the U.S. budget deficit specifically targeted a number of tax expenditures for savings to reduce the budget deficit. This resistance comes from a ideological fervour for no tax increases that does not grapple with the realities of spending cuts and the need for an approach that looks for savings wherever they can be found. That approach also leaves room for maintaining spending and not making deep cuts where such spending adds to future growth prospects for the U.S.

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A proposal for deficit reduction from the "Gang of Six" in the U.S. Senate gains support from Obama, Boehner and Cantor, as other proposals languish for lack of support in both Houses of Congress. The efforts to pass a balanced budget amendment and deficit reduction in the House is now seen as a concession to newly elected conservatives in the House by Boehner even as other options are being pursued to meet an August 2, 2011 deadline. The efforts of credit rating agencies to reconsider the credit ratings of certain states and the U.S. is also putting new pressure on getting some sort of serious deficit reduction now as opposed to putting it off for discussion between now and the end of the year, as proposed by the McConnell plan.