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Jon Hilsenrath of WSJ provides an illuminating account of how Daniel Tarullo as head of the Large Institution Supervision Coordination Committee has changed the way bank supervision and rules are set for U.S. banks since the days of the 2008 financial crisis. Tarullo started the effort under Ben Bernanke and continues this in 2014-2015 under Fed chairwoman Janet Yellen. The New York Fed is seen as ineffective in bank supervision and the supervisory role is now entirely performed under the leadership of Tarullo, assisted by Kenneth Gibson and Timothy Clark. The trio are some of the great unsung heroes of the effort to put the U.S. financial system and the economy on a safer footing.

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Janet Yellen, Fed chairwoman, says the financial system is safer now after the financial regulation, stress testing, living wills and other changes that the Federal Reserve has implemented. She says there is no need for a reduction in these key regulatory rules. One of the changes is that banks now use a safer mix of financing- equity financing has doubled for capital, and wholesale borrowing is cut in half, since the 2008 financial crisis that took the U.S. and with it the global financial system to the brink of disaster. The appointment of Randall Quarles to the Fed by the Trump administration was intended to  reduce regulation, and this is Yellen's response to such proposed ideas. 

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A study by Charles Elson of the Center for Corporate Governance of the University of Delaware which refutes the idea that excessive compensation is needed to retain good talent in industry.

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The Volcker rule is named after former chairman of the Federal Reserve, now 82 year old Paul Volcker. In its complete form it would ban banks from investing in trading activities. But with Treasury Secretary Geithner and economic advisor Summers being part of the team that supported deregulation in banking, the Volcker rule was put in a diluted form in the proposed financial reform bill. Only after it was supported by financial leaders with long years of experience, such as John Bogle, Nicholas Brady and William Donaldson, and with active participation by Volcker, did the Volcker rule in a modified form get the support of Congress and the White House. What grade does it get from Paul Volcker? A B not even a B+ says Volcker. Volcker regrets his earlier silence on this issue. His view is that there is a sense of nervousness about the long term, and this is justified. He says a lot will depend on a 10 member regulatory council that is created by the bill, and all depends on how tough and vigilant it is on a day to day basis with the banks. Analysts share Volcker's concern about "the certain circularity in this businesss," where things are going well for some time followed by another crisis. Volcker's concern is that the bill doesn't prevent bank's from getting into activities such as investing in hedge funds and other similiar activities....

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Lobbying by the pharmaceutical and health care industry and U.S. president Obama's promises to the industry as part of his shaping the health care law.

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The NYT editorial says sharks circle in Congress to kill the Obama plan for a new consumer protection agency with the necessary powers to protect consumers. Campaign contributions to members of Congress by the banking industry is having anegative effect. But says the NYT the federal regulators who put the interests of banks first are also having the negative effect. It cites the example of a Fed governor, Elizabeth Duke, who says the Fed has all the powers to protect consumers, in a Congressional hearing. Says NYT the Fed was given sweeping powers to prevent predatory lending in 1994, but did not issue new rules till July 2008, till the damage had alredy been done. And not just to consumers, but to the American and global economy. It goes on to say that consumer protection is the unwanted stepchild in the regulatory community as protecting consumer s is spread across 20 statutes and seven different agencies. Considering the damage to the economy that has already been done its amazing that the same tired old arguments can be repeated without severely straining credibility. The close relations between Geithner, Rahm Emmanuel Obama's chief of staff, and others in the administration with the banking industry do not bode well for coming up with the strong legislation to protect consumers. See the link to Chase's Dimon's close relations to Rahm Emmanuel and members of the Obama administration. And the close connections which helped the banking industry kill legislation that would have helped homeowners, by allowing bankruptcy judges to modify mortgages to prevent foreclosures....

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Total compensation and benefits at publicly traded Wall Street banks and securities firms was a record $135 billion in 2010, according to an analysis by the Wall Street Journal. This is up 5.7% from the $128 billion in 2009 for the same firms. The 25 largest financial firms saw revenues increase to $417 billion. Things are going back to where they were before the financial crisis with total compensation and benefits now exceeding the levels in 2007. In 2010 deferred compensation made up half of the total pay compared to being one third of total pay in prior years.

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Clive Crook points to the dangers of complacency in 2010. He reminds readers that the critical thing is as Charles Goodhart mentioned in the Financial Times, that capital and liquidity requirements must be time varying and strongly anti-cyclical. He points out that in good times when lending is expanding quickly and financial institutions are least concerned about capital, liquidity requiremets must tighten, something that is not happening under current rules. Repairs in areas of "too big to fail", separating investment banking and commercial banking, and others, will not succeed unless this principle is adopted. And this he says will be opposed by financial institutions because it reduces their growth. But this fight has to be won. It goes back to William McChesney Martin's idea of taking away the punch bowl before the party gets going.

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NYT exhortation for Congress to resist the lobbying pressures of the banks to weaken regulation for a Consumer Protection Agency and derivatives trading on exchanges. The first by amending legislation for a Consumer Protection Agency so that no states can pass tougher consumer protection laws, something that prevented states from protecting consumers from abuses in the mortgage business. The second to propose legislation for derivatives trading that allows corporations and hedge funds to trade derivatives privately. NYT editorial says Congress should require all derivatives dealers and users -banks, hedge funds and corporations- conduct their trades on exchanges where they are reglulations and public scrutiny. NYT responds to the banks and corporations that say this would raise their transaction costs to hedge any given risk, by saying that this is debatable. Greater transparency should reduce costs but even if there were some higher costs it would be outweighed by the larger benefits to the banks themselves and the country through the lower systemwide risks. ...

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Increasing regulation on Mexico's telephone monopoly of America Movil, and Telmex, part of Carlos Slim's telephone business in Mexico. Mexico's three main parties have agreed to increase regulation on the monopoly to reduce the high charges paid by Mexico's telecom users. Estimates by OECD show Mexicans paying an extra $13 billion a year from 2005 to 2009 because of the monopoly and high prices. The administration of Pena Nieto made controlling telecom and other monopolies an important part of its program. To get an idea of the extent of the monopolistic control - 70 percent of the cellphone market and 65 percent of fixed lines are controlled by companies run by Slim.  AT&T is now a competitor and is helping bring down high cellphone plan prices.

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Wall Street Journal analysis shows top earners at 38 U.S. banks and securities firms will get $145 billion in 2009, an 18% increase over 2008. This even after increasing public anger about exceedingly high levels of executive compensation with no relation to performance, and at a time of high unemployment.

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The Volcker Rule goes into effect in July 2012. Under the rule proprietary trading operations of banks must be divested by 2012, with banks getting an additional three years to comply for specific situations. The financial industry is pushing back against the rule with comment letters from industry firms. Mr. Volcker outlined his response in his letter of comments to the objections raised by financial firms. To the objection that this would reduce liquidity in the market and raise corporate borrowing rates, Vocker says that too much liquidity is a problem because firms tend to bid up asset prices in the hope that they can always find buyers.

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In the current situation where the "too big to fail" problem for banks has only worsened since the crisis with the remaining banks even larger after mergers, and no dividing wall between speculative trading in securities and the utility banking of collecting deposits and making loans, the country depends on regulators to do the job of supervision. Regulatory reforms have faced resistance from the banking industry and the reforms have been watered down in Congress. It is in this environment that Patrick Parkinson takes on the job of head of bank supervision at the Federal Reserve. He will work with Daniel Tarullo, the Fed governor who heads the committee of governors overseeing bank supervision. But he is also one of the old faces at the Fed when the Fed failed in its role of bank supervision. From 1993 to 1998 he was the top staff advisor to the Fed chairman, for matters considered by the President's Working Group on Financial Markets.