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Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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Pakistan's GDP growth is expected to be 4% in 2012, an increase from 2% in 2011. Foreign exchange reserves are up to $18 billion. Repayments in 2015 to the IMF will be a quarter of the payment in 2012, says Finance Minister Abdul Hafeez Shaikh. Tax collections are up 24% for the first 9 months of the fiscal year 2012. Remittances from Pakistanis aborad are up 21% to $9.7 billion and exports up 5.5% over the $25 billion exports for 2011. In an WSJ op-ed, April 16, 2012, Michael Boskin,who helped negotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement for the elder President Bush, says it is time for a free trade agreement between India and Pakistan. Shaikh says he expects to see trade with India up from the insignifcant levels of $2.7 billion in 2012 to $10 billion by 2015. Boskin sees the potential for trade at $50 billion based on trade models. This would help change the landscape in the South Asian region after decades of neglect, strife and conflicts and is long overdue to benefit the billion people on the subcontinent....
New York Times Original article ›

China's Reform Moment

Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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After years of rapid growth and rapid rate of credit creation China's economy is stalling. Each $1 of new credit generates only 17 cents in GDP growth, according to Bloomberg. This compares with 83 cents of GDP growth for each credit dollar in 2007. Local governments cannot find projects that are worthy of investment. Financial repression with low interest rates for savers is further depressing consumer spending when it is needed to rebalance the economy away from exports.
New York Times Original article ›
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A former Wall Street trader says banning bonuses for investment bankers would take out much of the risk in the financial system. The current system is different from the one he joined as an intern in the 1980's, he says. At that time banking was a bland business, where the head of a financial firm made about the same as a junior trader makes nowadays. Large bonuses of today were rare at the time. What large incentives to take risk in the form of bonuses do is to encourage extreme risk taking, especially when the downside or pain as a consequence of these decisions is passed on to other individuals or institutions, or the government.
The New York Times Original article ›
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Krugman points out that the federal tax rate for the top 1% is 34% in 2013, according to the Congressional Budget Office, because president Obama let the high end Bush tax cuts to expire. It is the number to remember says Krugman- 34. In 2008 the figure was 28.2. Under Hillary Clinton the average tax rate for the top 1% would go up by 3.4 percentage points, according to the Tax Policy Center. Some of this would help pay for the tution plan to provide access to the middle class to public universities. Under populist Trump, Krugman points to the elimination of the inheritance tax and tax rates going down substantially, and no such programs to promote the upward mobility that everyone is talking about, and no way to pay for a big infrastructure building effort for growth and jobs- upward mobility that is the focus of every candidate's election campaign including Sanders, Trump in appealing to older white working class families, Clinton, Ryan, Bush, and others in both parties.   ...
New York Times Original article ›
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This report in the NYT says Hillary Clinton has studied policy briefings, academic papers and taken advice from 200 policy experts, including experts from Bill Clinton's administration such as Alan Blinder, all in an effort to define her own policy positions on issues facing the U.S. This happens at a time different from the period of slow growth when Bill Clinton ran against George H.W. Bush. Since then middle class families face the added problems of not being able to keep up with the rising cost of college education, health care, child care, low interest rates on savings and volatile markets dampening savings growth. For working class Americans in the middle class during Bill Clinton's time in office the problems take the shape of a sharp decline in the manufacturing wages that once supported a middle class life in industrial states of the midwestern U.S., with global competition doing the damage, and few solutions available except improving technology and technical skill of the workforce to compete in higher end products. Consider the points made by Janet Yellen, the Fed chairwoman at a Boston Fed conference in Oct. 2014- Fed information for 2013 showing the average net worth of the lower half of American families representing 62 million households is $11,000. Only this conceals the situation facing one fourth of these families who have zero wealth or negative net worth, and a significant fraction owing more on their homes than they are worth. Hillary Clinton told a audience at the New School in Greenwich Village in New York, this is the defining economic challenge of our time. " We must raise incomes for hard-working Americans so they can afford a middle class life. This will be my mission from the first day I'm president to the last."...
Washington Post Original article ›
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Jon Stewart's farewell on "The Daily Show," on August 6, 2015- the first show appeared in 1999- ended on the day the first Republican presidential debate was put on by Fox News. A year after Jon Stewart started his show he made his mark on television by creating a new genre- comedy that informs people. "Indecision 2000" was a new show that covered the 2000 U.S. presidential election ending with the small number of paper ballots in Florida determining the election. A whole generation of young people grew up watching his show which provided some of the bold vigilance so essential for a effective democracy, including coverage of the 2009 financial crisis. It included a show in which the host of the CNBC show "Mad Money" was told boldly that it was disingenuous that the crisis caught everybody on Wall Street by surprise, when informed people knew about the bad mortgages that were being wildly securitized. This was handled with the subtle humor that continued the conversation in an intelligent way, so typical of Jon Stewart. He is also remarkable for helping so many of his colleagues make a mark, including Stephen Colbert, which amplified his influence on discourse in American society. It included questionning those who benefitted from the intelligent debate with humor that Jon Stewart engaged in- president Obama was asked why the homeowners got so little help compared to the banks involved in the faulty mortgages, as a question of fairness. Veterans from the Iraq war were welcomed to see how the show was developed and get training. Stewart defused anger and channelled it into constructive discourse in American society, during 2 wars, a global financial crisis, and 4 presidential elections- "with malice towards none, with charity for all"- he will be sorely missed....
New York Times Original article ›
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Reeves says Reagan ever the imaginative politician seized on the idea of "supply side " economics of a not so well known economist Arthur Laffer. Ideas that were simple and appealing- you reduce marginal tax rates and generate higher revenues. This worked for some time with higher economic growth for a number of years, but the arithmetic of higher spending and borrowing and lower taxes would eventually lead to large deficits at the end of Reagan's term, just as price controls worked for awhile and then led to a surge in prices at the end of Nixon's term. When Reagan became President the deficit was 2.5%, when he left office eight years later the deficit was 5% of the economy. Interest payments on debt jumped to $169 billion in 1988, from $69 billion in 1981. Reeves says American politicians know so little about economics, to which it could be added, winning presidential and congressional elections is always a big part of the picture when it comes to economic policy. Which is why Nixon even with Milton Friedman as an advisor shifted to Keynesian policies of higher fiscal spending in 1971, and why Reagan turns to intuitively appealing and effective in the short term policies of having it all- higher spending, growth, and lower taxes. During the years of the two Bush presidencies and the Clinton administration the success of Reagan policies leads to a general sense as Vice President Cheney put it referring to Reagan and Treasury Secretary Baker's belief, that "deficits don't matter." Which leads us to the current situation where 2012 presidential election politics again frame the terms of the debate on deficits and budgets, only now the deficit is much higher and on a unsustainable path. ...
Economist Original article ›
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This piece in the Economist provides useful insights in the efforts to repair relations between Japan and China by October 2014, following a series of incidents and disputes. Some experts say China's slowing economy is one reason for mending relations. Japanese direct investment in China has declined sharply by over 40% in 2014 compared to 2013. In 2013 there was a decline following other incidents, and Japanese business has experienced difficulties in operating in China. As a result there is a shift to other parts of Asia including Vietnam and India, that is underway. Volatile relations with China has given the Japanese business and diplomatic community pause about the future of Japanese business investments in China. This is also the background as Chinese Communist leaders face a critical decision on how to handle the protests in Hong Kong over universal suffrage- errors will only add to the image of a China volatile in its relations with the outside world. It is not just North America and Europe, China has to interact with, it has to interact with Japan, Australia, S. Korea, South East Asian nations (Vietnam, Malaysia, Thailand, Philippines), and India, all these countries not sure what China's intentions are after territorial waters or land disputes. Along with Indonesia and Bangladesh, this is a region with about twice the population of China and representing most of Asia, a fact usually omitted as western business rushed into the Chinese market. Chinese Communist leaders are faced with huge challenges and success in the next phase of development, and it is by no means certain under a ossified system of government which cannot change with the times, as technology and foreign investment will now be much more critical drivers of development than in the first phase. ...
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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Spain's new monarch, Felipe, brings a background of being carefully trained for the new position say most people in Spain from experts to taxi drivers, and brings educational training to understand the complex economic and constitutional issues facing modern Spain. He studied law at the Autonomous University of Madrid, and did his graduate education at Georgetown University in international relations. One columnist and constitutional scholar, Carreras Serra, says the prince has helped bring focus in meetings with government officials, and can skillfully conduct discussions on difficult topics of economics or constitutional law. His abilities are sorely needed as Spain navigates through a period of economic hardship with high unemployment, especially among the young. Relating to young people will be key test for Felipe and the monarchy. He starts off with considerable goodwill as 61% of Spaniards polled have a favorable opinion of him. Two leftist parties in Spain which view the monarchy as unnecessary for Spain won 18% of the vote in European parliamentary elections in May 2014, with the two main parties of post war Spain, the Partido Popular and the Socialist party, polling below 50% (a similiar situation in UK and France), provided a signal for Juan Carlos's abdication at 76. Spain's modernization was made possible by putting behind divisions from the traumatic twentieth century conflicts, and continued economic progress will require the same degree of skill and renewed committment from all parts of the political spectrum in Spain. Because of liberal tendencies existing in a conservative culture and history, Spain's best years and progress depend on keeping the social and political fabric together without divisions, and the monarchy earning and reearning its trust -side by side with the main political parties and young people seeking a better future- to keep it this way through coming generations....
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe brought Nigeria to life in American schools and colleges and in schools and colleges throughout the world. He started as an obscure writer from Nigeria's rural southeast. His early novels were written in the fifties and sixties an embodied a perod of great expectations in Africa after independence. "Things Fall Apart," wa published in 1958, and sold 10 million copies in 50 languages. Other books reflected the troubles in Nigeria as things fell apart with dictatorships and wars- "Man of the People," "There Was A Country." In the seventies Achebe was editor of British publishing house Heinemann's African writer series and was instrumental in bringing a whole new set of African writers to readers around the world- Kenya's Ngugi wa Thiong'o, Ghana's Ayi Kwei Armah, Cameroon's Mongo Beti. In 1982 he campaigned briefly for a political party and wrote the 68 page "The Trouble With Nigeria." After a car accident in Lagos, Achebe was paralyzed waist down and had to be in a wheelchair. During this period he went to Bard Colege in New York, and in 2009 joined Brown University in Rhode Island, and lectured extensively. He was revered in Nigeria but remained critical of Nigeria's political leaders, telling them they were "turning my homeland into a bankrupt and lawless fiefdom." The gradual emergence of Nigeria and the rest of Africa from decades of strife and corruption, following the great hopes of the early post colonial era, owes much to the work of writers and other individuals like Achebe. Achebe has some important advice for writers, for business, and life in general, "if you don't like the story write your own." Another writer who writes about Nigeria and Africa was honored with the Nobel Prize in Literature....
BusinessWeek Original article ›
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Barry Schwartz, a Psychology Professor at Swarthmore College, and author of Paradox of Choice: Why More is Less, points out that the 35 years of research shows that you get exactly what you pay for, but it turns out to be the opposite of what you want, and there are a lot of ways that incentive based compensation can go wrong. In theory choosing a parameter like share price and creating incentives to promote shareholder interests through higher share price as a measure of executive performance is reasonable, but it assumes that there is no manipulation of share price, or other external factors do not distort the measure of performance. In reality you get a situation like Merrill Lynch and other financial firms that gave out huge bonuses and executive pay even while bad decisions- that were later to sink the firms- were being incentivized. Schwartz points to research worldwide by Bruno Frey, Oberhozer-Gee, Uri Gneezy, James Heyman and Dan Ariely, that shows that incentives tend to remove the moral dimension from decisionmaking. Heyman's reaearch showed that when people offer passers by a token payment for help lifting a couch from a van, they are less likely to lend a hand when they are offered nothing. The question people ask themselves he says when money isn't part of the equation is very different he says: what are my responsibilities, what should I do that will fulfill these responsibilities to other people and to my country? In his view even though we put a lot of faith in incentives as a society to influence behaviour in a positive way, they actually do the reverse. Even if they work for some time, after a while some people who have fewer scruples learn ways to game the system and gradually distort the way it functions, leading to perverse results endangering all....
New York Times Original article ›
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Case-Shiller home price index shows 18.5 % drop year over year for December 2009, for single family homes in 20 major metropolitan areas. The Conference Board Index for consumer confidence dropped from 37.4 in January 2009 to 25 in February 2009. Of the 5000 households surveyed more 90% said they expected conditions would be the same or worse in the next 6 months. The Obama $275 billion plan for homeowners does not address the weakest cities in the market which are in places like Phoenix, Las Vegas, and much of Florida and Southern California, where prices have fallen 40% or more from their peak. This is because mortgages that are under water are not included, these are mortgages where more is owed on the house than the house is worth, and is ocurring faster in places where price declines are the steepest. One expert Martin Feldstein who is also on the Obama advisory panel has insisted since early 2008 that these homeowners under water have no rational incentive to continue making payments. What this does is to make consumers to postpone purchases like autos and hold back or cut back on all kinds of spending. In this global economy this means places like China's coastal regions which export to the US get hit hard and in turn exporters to china like Germany also get hit hard as what starts in the USA gets passed on theough the global economy from one region to another. Which also means US exports to Asian and other emerging market countries of tech goods and aircraft are in turn hit hard. As Republicans and Democrats follow their ideological leanings they cancel each other out in the debate, as Prof. Potter at Harvard an expert on economic strategy points out in a link, resulting in necessary actions not being taken and no clear direction. ...
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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Smaller biotech firms typically have products in the development stage and are not making money. Now they are facing increasing financial hardship. Even in good times except for a few names like Genentech and Amgen, the others are struggling. They have a hard time raising money, and its coming at a higher price, 90% of equity instead of 50% like before for 5 or 10 or 20 million dollars. Older shareholders are diluted with new capital raised. And some are selling out. Others are going into bankruptcy liquidation, after wrenching periods of firing most of the staff. Even blue chip firms like Helicos of Cambridge, Massachusetts, which went public in 2007, and has backing of advisors like Steven Chu, the Nobel Prize laureate, are in trouble; with its DNA reader designed to produce custom tailored cancer treatments at $1 million a piece. It has not booked a sale, faces competition from a reader developed by two companies, Roche and Illumina of San Diego. It almost ran out of cash last year. Helicos shares $18 last year, are at 54 cents. According to Burrill and Company, a venture capital concern, 100 of the publicly traded biotechs this year may be lost as companies fail or get taken over. 120 of the 360 publicly traded biotechs have less than 6 months cash left, compared with 12 a year ago, says Burrill. Already 10 have declared bankruptcy according to Biotechnology Industry Organization. BIO is asking Congress to step in and for the government through the National Institutes of Health to provide matches for private investment in small startups with promising treatments. All this is happening as companies are spending large sums for mergers like the Pfizer Wyeth merger. ...
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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As a federal criminal probe gets underway into AIG, questions remain about whether AIG misled investors, and whether AIG executives themselves suppressed information from their own internal auditors and ignored the advice of their external auditors Price Waterhouse. The internal auditor raised questions with his boss Mr Cassano about the credit default swaps that AIG had written for its clients. An requests for collateral from AIG to support the credit default swaps were kept hidden. The internal auditor Mr. St. Dennis wrote" I was gravely concerned about this (the request by clients for collateral from AIG worth billions for the derivatives called credit default swaps AIG had sold) and AIG believed that the likelihood of makig payouts was remote." Mr Cassano kept Mr Dennis out of important meetings because he said "I was concerned that you would pollute the process." An important aspect of all this is how it relates to executive compensation that has motivated some of these actions. Mr. Cassano according to the audit committee chairman, earned $280 million over 8 years at AIG, left the company in March and was slated to receive $1 million a month through the end of 2008. The contract was terminated the day before the Congressional hearing. This is a huge amount about $35 million a year and not only is this executive compensation but it is paying someone enough that he would do something that is unethical, or lead to large negative consequences, or even commit fraud, depending on the ethical base of that individual. And this is where executive compensation has ceased to be executive compensation but almost enough to pay someone to do something equivalent in consequences to robbing the bank....
BusinessWeek Original article ›
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Timothy Geithner in an interview with Bloomberg's Al Hunt. He is not sure aversion of the Tobin tax would work but is open to something that would achieve its objective. he is not sure a $5000 employer credit for each job created would create one and ahalf million jobs as Roger Altman and others have suggested. He thinks Congress should lould look at having the appointment of the New York Fed made directly by the President so as not to give the impression of influence by he financial community. At this time the appointment is made with influence by major banks. He says the problems America faces today stem not just from the recession but as he puts it from a"sustained period whee we saw public policy just not doing what needed to be done." He wants to see an end to an era of irresponsibly high bonuses and sees as spurious Goldman's claim that it would have survived the crisis. He says "we were in the middle of a classic bank run. I think the system was at risk and none of the big institutions would have survived a situation in which we let that fire try to burn itself out."...
New York Times Original article ›
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
New York Times Original article ›
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Gikas Hardouvelis was finance minister during a crucial period of impementation of the 2012 bailout program for Greece from June 2013 to Jan. 2015. Here he outlines the mistakes he sees made by the IMF in not agreeing to the 7.2 billion payment to Greece in 2014, 4% of Greece GDP, with one third of that not a loan. At the fifth review of the 2012 bailout the EU commissioner for economic affiars, Pierre Muscovici , said Greece had completed its requirements and the 7.2 billion euro funding should be released. Yet he says the IMF to preserve leverage over a future Syriza administration in the 2015 elections decided to hold back. This made it harder for the Samaras administration to tell voters that it had completed the program a year earlier, and the lack of the funds hurt the Samaras administration as it erased signs of growth that had appeared in early 2014. Following this error he points to 4 mistakes made by the Syriza Tsipras government. The first was that it was bitterly opposed to the lenders (IMF, EU and ECB) and failed to focus on the economy. Hardouvelis points out that the maturity of the debt of 16.5 years and low interest rates meant that it was not the immediate issue facing Greece, and he calls it very manageable. This was not to say that it was important but with creditors worried about moral hazard, other issues could be taken up first. Another mistake was to allow a loss of liquidity to the private sector so that prospects of growth were erased. The new finance minister acted as if the $7.2 billion infusion was not important and let payments be delayed. Tsipras and Varoufakis let the uncertainty increase in the private sector, and let the economy decline all the way to the closing of the banks. How costly was this is evident from the IMF's own paper in Juy 2015 and the 3 page update of July 14, 2015, on the Greek debt, showing it cost Greece a total of 60 billion euros in additional financing needed and an additional 25 billion euros for the shock from the closing of the banking system. That 3 page IMF paper shows that within the space of one year a shocking amount of damage was done by Syriza left government- it says Greece went from being on track for reaching Debt to GDP of 105% by 2022 under the Samaras-Hardouvelis administration in July 2014, to 142% by June 2015, and with the closing of the banking system to 170% by July 2015. Some of this would have come from the IMF's own withholding of the 7.2 billion euro payment to the Samaras government. ...
New York Times Original article ›
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David Super, a professor at Georgetown University Law School, says letting the fiscal cliff cuts in spending go into effect is fairer to the poor and middle class than the $1.2 trillion in spending cuts proposed by president Obama and the Democrats. He says the pressure of public opinion would lead to some minideals for the Bush tax cuts to go to lower incomes and for restoring some funds to defense after the fiscal cliff agreement goes into effect, leading to a fairer outcome.
New York Times Original article ›
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Efforts to secure greater autonomy under a decentralized framework for the central government in Libya. The eastern region which contains most of Libya's oil was left out in the sharing of resources when the Gaddafi regime centralized power in Tripoli. Because of this the sentiment is strong in the area around Benghazi for a decentralized government. Benghazi also led the fight against Gaddafi's forces. Under the Ottoman Empire the country known of Libya today was governed as three provinces. It was only after Italy invaded Libya in 1934 and put the three provinces under its control that Libya wa created. The federal monarcy created in 1951 by the UN also provided for relatively independent provinces under a national government. The transitional leaders in Tripoli are gradually accepting the older framework of decentralized government as the right approach for the future Libyan government.
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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Gen. Martin Dempsey took a cautious approach to U.S. involvement in Afghanistan and Syria. He did not approve of the way Gen. McChrystal expanded U.S. involvement in Afghanistan, and the hasty manner in which the Iraqi army was trained under his predecessors leading to some commanders being appointed who later became members of sectarian death squads. Under his command the U.S. limited its role in Afghanistan and Iraq and handed more responsibility to local forces. Gen. Dunford who succeeded Dempsey as chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff for the U.S. follows the cautious approach set by Dempsey. Dempsey's approach extends to what he believes is an Heisenberg effect in physics where when you you observe or touch something it changes the way it functions and operates. For critics such as Senator McCain, who served in Vietnam as a pilot, if Dempsey did not want to intervene in some country, he could invent the reasons not to get involved. President Obama exceeded the caution exercized by Dempsey, leading to a situation where the U.S. after hasty action under a Republican president seemed to lurch in the opposite direction under his Democratic successor by not taking action where U.S. presence was needed, followed by a corrective course to make up for this....
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
Wall Street Journal Original article ›
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The rarely mentioned origins of the U.S. Medicare reform proposal of Rep. Paul Ryan and Rep. Ron Wyden, which includes work done at the Hoover Institution and liberal think tanks, in a debate subject to distortions on all sides.
New York Times Original article ›
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Questions about how Mr Geithner has handled his job at the New York Fed and at Treasury during the bailouts of financial firms. Were there close relationships with bankers, hedge fund managers, and others that compromised the Fed's ability to regulate the financial industry? Why was Geithner advocating loosening standards for the reserves financial institutions have to hold to insure against potential future losses, as late as 2007? Inherent in the design of the job of New York Fed President was a conflict of interest, as the institution is supposed to be a watchdog over the financial industry, but the President of the NY Fed reports to a board that is comprised of the heads of banks and financial instituitons. These financial leaders also participate in the selection of the new President. Geithner was a quick learner and a listener, who asked questions, but he was an outsider coming from work at AID, the IMF and Treasury. He is described by one bank executive Sanford Weill as "a baby face," and lacked experience in dealing with the financial industry. He was brought in by Rubin and Summers, two mentors at Treasury. These two had close ties to the financial industry, and did not question practices of overleveraging and risk taking in the financial industry. Was it too much to ask of Geithner, under the circumstances, that he would rock the boat and ask the tough questions about risk and leveraging. On the other hand did he miss things completely when he was asking for even looser capital standards for banks in 2007, less than a year before the crisis hit, which were never adopted. And was he too close to the financial industry and aggressive in the wrong sort of way when advocating in a meeting as President of the New York Fed, that the government back up all the debt in the financial system. Did he too casually overlook the conditions that could easily be put in place for the government to be able to recover some of the money put into the bailouts. And was he too close to Goldman Sachs, that he brought Goldman in for advice in the AIG bailout, even though there were conflicts of interest and money that would never be recovered from the $182 billion bailout of AIG, some of which went to banks including Goldman. If Geithner had seen some of the problems in risk taking why had he not supported FDIC's Bair in her opposing view for capital reserves, and government conditions on bailouts that enabled some recovery of capital put into failing financial institutions. And did he get too close to Citi, that at one point Sanford Weill tried to bring him in as CEO even when he was already President of the New York Fed. Does it go to show that -the very idea that this was even possible- the design of the New York Fed with the President reporting to the Board of the very same bank presidents that he was supposed keep in check, makes for an incomprehensible position of regulation at odds with the structure of reporting and selection....

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