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Anton Harder in this Wilson Center publication of research uses correspondence between Jawaharlal Nehru and his sister Vijaylakshmi Pandit ambassador to the US in 1950, to show that the US made an offer for India to take a permanent seat at the UN Security Council. India had supported two resolutions on June 25, and June 27, first condemning the invasion by North Korea and second the organizing of a UN force of 29 countries to push back the North Korean invasion. Even though the US is not seen as actively engaging with India during that period and seeing through British eyes the colonial policies of encouraging  different powers in South Asia, that may not be true.  Who was India's foreign minister in 1950? Jawaharlal Nehru was both prime minister and foreign minister till 1964, which means there was less discussion of foreign policy than happens today during the Ukraine invasion with Jaishankar a career diplomat with 30 years experience, Rajnath Singh, and Mr. Modi, in talks with president Biden recently, and in further discussions Modi had with EU's Von der Leyen and UK's Boris Johnson, Kishida of Japan. Who was India's defense minister in 1950? Baldev Singh, a Sikh independence struggle leader was Minister of Defense for 1947-52 and tackled partition of Punjab and Kashmir issues. The rest of the years to 1957 when India faced the Chinese invasion of Tibet India's defense minister was also for most of the period Mr. Nehru, except Ayynagar in 1953, and Kailash Katju in 1955 and 1956. The controversial V.K. Krishna Menon was Defense Minister from 1957 to 1962, when Indian defenses were further neglected leading to the Chinese invasion of India in 1962, and his replacement by Yashwantrao Chavan. The purpose of this is to look back at what happened in earlier periods to understand where India stands today- and what choices it makes today. Clearly the US was looking for allies then and now. Nehru saw things from his own reading of history seeing China and India as both suffering from western invasion, not realizing that China's experience under Mao was different- that of Japanese invasion and bombing of China's major cities not just colonization of Hong Kong and other ports for trade under British trade based policies in 1850-1900. Thus a Communist Chinese version of China's defense involved taking over border regions such as Tibet putting China in direct and open opposition to India. Nehru never really grasped what was happening in Tibet and the war China fought against the Nationalists. American general Stilwell loved China deeply and had an understanding of its people as shown in Tuchman's account in her book Stilwell and the American Experience in China 1911-1945. Stilwell during that war had a better understanding of China, the strengths and weaknesses of Mao's China and of the Nationalists under Chiang, than Nehru. Some of these errors post 1950's and a concentration of foreign, defense and embassy positions in the person of Mr. Nehru and of Nehru family member such as Mrs. Pandit led to the Indian failure to act on Tibet and see it as see it for what it was -facing a Communist Mao led China that had fought the Japanese invasion as different from Bodhidharma's China of the history books. Bodhidharma's China will outlast Mao's China, yet it is Mao's China that India faces today. This also tells us that India has to think in new ways- as Lincoln said during a period when America was also making its own progress as an industrial nation in the 1860's. "The dogmas of the quiet past are not adequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise to the occasion. As our case is new, we must think anew, we must act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and we shall save our country." India's values are values of democracy heightened not just by Mohandas Gandhi's ideas with Hind Swaraj written in 1910 just as powerful in 2022, but also by the heights of Ladakh where elections are held in remote regions of the Himalayas. India's values are values that are also shared in the best that America has in its values and culture and in the defense of freedom.    ...

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A senior Indian diplomat, and former ambassador to China, Gautam Bambawale, says China's action in the June 15 clash at Galwan Valley was the worst violence since 1967. He sees it as a premeditated and well thought out action. His view is that India's relations with China will deteriorate further. That this was an action by the PLA to take territory to what it sees as the LAC or border. For small tactical gains he says "China has strategically lost India." This will impact trade and other relations going forward in his view.  Nothing of this sort was expected says Bambawale. All the agreements put in place since 1993, everything for tranquillity at the border, all the mechanisms, have now collapsed. Bambawale has provided a very lucid and clear account of the relations and the border issues. He goes on to say that Chinese observers have given reasons for the Galwan clash with PLA- that India should stay away from the US and other democracies such as the European Union. Some reflection shows that the opposite has happened. And further reflection would show that the same situation was repeated in the period of transfer from British Empire to Republican India, and from Nationalist China to Communist China from the period 1947 onwards. Different perceptions and different leaderships that gave the perception of gaps between the two countries. In the 1950's after the Korean War Chinese perceptions about India could have led to the incursions that brought China to the borders of India in 1950, similar perceptions of gaps in development and capabilities could have led to the conflict in 1962. From 1993 peace prevailed with India after China entered the World Trade Organization under president Clinton in 2001 following a 10 year effort. Because the focus in China was on development after a series of crises, internal sense of a widening technological gap with the US and Europe, disagreements with the Soviet Union, and the experiments with market economy, internal struggles for democracy. With that period coming to a close as the new trading relationship has led to working class losses in factory jobs in the US, China is faced with protecting its economy as it and the US look at changing supply channels and how it affects both countries. It is a critical time for China as it faces governments in US, France, UK and Canada determined to protect their own interests in manufacturing jobs, renewing supply channels, and in technological advancement. The response is similar to that in 1962 when seen from the Communist party perspective as a gap has opened up with India following China's progress in the 30 year trading relationship with the US and Europe. That gap and the difficult situation China faces today with the US and EU in trade and technology has brought forward the Galwan clash and future clashes in Ladakh and at the border.  As Mr. Jaishnkar, India's Minister of External Affairs as well as former ambassador to China,  has pointed out this is a very different aspirational India that China faces. The same kind of grassroots development that happened in China and rapid pooling of capital, human resources and technology inputs for development is taking place in India, and will continue for the next two decades, quickly bridging any gaps in modernization between the two countries. The difference between a youthful population in India and aging population in China and Japan, is likely to add another dimension. China's Buddhist culture that came from India is not likely to go away, more likely is that China will see a revival of Buddhist ideas of wellness and living more as culture than religion. The experience with British colonialism that prevailed both in India and China, and which from its base in India caused so much grief to China during the Opium wars will recede from memory. Extending borders from historical memory of Japanese incursions into border areas in Manchuria could have led leaders after 1950 in China to extend borders to remote areas in the Arunachal region of India and communist theory books may have created the perception of defensive moves. In the context of an aspirational India similar to China, and no real intention on the part of India to extend itself in any way to China's provinces in Sichuan, this extending of borders as a defensive move will be seen as stemming from memories of Japanese incursions in the 1930's, but simply costly and not relevant in any way to China's own aspirational development and progress. ...

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Spain's Mariano Rajoy loses a no confidence motion in parliament and resigns as prime minister in May 2018. He is replaced by Pedro Sanchez of the opposition Socialist Party. It has only 84 seats in the 350 member parliament making his government short lived and paving the way for new elections. Rajoy came in after the 2009 financial crisis assuming the prime minister position in 2011. He has governed throughout the period of the economic crisis and high unemployment in Spain during the eurozone debt crisis, the collapse of the housing boom, the banking bailout and austerity programs in Spain. Economic growth resumed gradually since 2013.

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Nancy Koehn calls this a brave and insightful book, with relevance for readers watching the debt ceiling negotiations unfold in the U.S. in July 2011. The question he asks about how the elites could have got so many things wrong relate to Greece as well as the bubbles and ensuing crises in the U.S. in the last decade. Manolopoulos points to the problems of using GDP indicators if the economic activity it measures is not reflecting an increase in the productive capabilities and competitiveness of the country. He also cautions about the negative impact of liberalization of capital flows if this results in a large pool of global credit that short termist governments can access without regard to the longer term consequences of repayment. The creation of bubbles is one danger of access to large pools of capital. another danger is that this capital leads to governments relaxing all conservative practices of budgeting in managing a nation's finances.

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The Cajas, local savings banks, are a symbol of the excesses and lack of financial controls of the bubble years in Spain. The local savings banks were run by authoritarian leaders who remained in office for many years, and were influential in the political system. The Cajas expanded into real estate during the real estate bubble, and many of the cajas had to be merged by the federal government under new management after the bursting of the bubble. Minder describes the culture at Cajas banks in Galicia, the region in the northwest of Spain that is the home region of prime minister Mariano Rajoy. Julio Fernandez Gayoso, or known as Don Julio in the old baronial manner, was one such bank executive who ran the the larges cajas bank in Galicia as his own fiefdom till he was 80, and only quit when forced to resign in an investigation.

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About $70 billion in Greek credit default swaps are outstanding. But after all sides settle their accounts only $3.2 billion will have to be paid out. The International Swaps and Derivatives Association made the decision to set off the swaps payment after the Greek debt restructuring and bond swap on March 8, 2012.

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Credit default swaps on the $70 billion in CDS on Greece for different parties were activated in March 2012, resulting in payouts of $3.2 billion. This editorial points out that this happened without causing any tremors. Jean Claude Trichet as president of the ECB insisted in 2010-2011 that a default in Greece would result in systemic risks caused by the swaps and derivatives issued and in the contagion effects. The result was a delay in cuttting Greece's debt to sustainable levels with a private bondholder haircut that would have come much earlier. The delay and the burden of correction falling on austerity measures alone means Greece's economy is in much worse shape and debt still is not sustainable with Greece's rapidly declining economy.

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In an interview with the Wall Street Journal Deutschland, Hans Werner Sinn, head of the Ifo Institute in Germany, says Greece's bondholders are overly exaggerating the effects on the eurozone of an exit by Greece. He sees it in the best interests of Greece to improve its competitiveness and return to growth by going back to the drachma. Just to get to the level of Turkey Greece would need to reduce prices by 31%, which is impossible to do within the eurozone without risking a complete breakdown in civil order. The best way to use the 130 billion euro second bailout package is to use it to recapitalize its banking system, says Sinn. Sinn says Portugal's faces the risk of a debt crisis following the crisis in Greece.

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Friedman scores the presidential debates and the candidates for president in the 2010 U.S. elections on how well they put forward a plan to put the U.S. back on the right track. The scoring system he suggests focusses on how well the plan addresses the deficit in education- he points to the 25% dropout rate in the U.S. and younger workers in the middle of the pack in educational skills when compared to other countries. The other points in the scoring system are the deficit, setting aspirational goals to restore U.S. leadership, promoting innovation and startup companies, and rebuilding infrastructure. Much of the stimulus he points out went to help unskilled workers, not enough is being done to improve the education and training of America's young workers to compete in a global economy.

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Christopher Wood points to deflationary trends in Europe and the USA. Bank for International Settlements (BIS) data shows European bank exposure to government debt in Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain at $2.8 trillion at the end of 2009, and a rise in the London interbank offered rate (LIBOR), as further signs of negative trends. The property bubble in China and strong action to tighten and use antispeculation measures have already led to transaction volumes in residential real estate falling rapidly. If Beijing reconsiders further appreciation of the yuan, a trade debate with the U.S. may intensify. All this points to increasing risk of a double dip recession.

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Beatrice Weder di Mauro of the German Council of Economic Experts points to the needs for beeter incentives for regulators to ensure their is no local regulatory capture and to ensure that regulators are doing their job well. One is to increase the pay of central bankers and bank supervisors and to make the job nearly as attractive as working in the private sector. The other is to give more authority to supranational institutions to regulate. She points out that competition has been kept in the Eu's domain and this has helped ensure consistency in the way bank bail outs are being handled in the European countries. The same needs to happen in Europe for banking reguolation and oversight. She points out the flaw in the argument for national regulators on the basis that the money to bailouts comes locally. a substantial part of the bailouts come in the form of regulatory forbearance, enabling banks to make higher profits because of reduced competition, and implicit support from central banks. And she adds that the temptation to solve the future crises by these "off balance sheet methods" is greater now because no one wants to go to parliament or congress to get bail out money for banking instituitons....

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Under the new change voting rights would be allocated at 42.1 % of the IMF's voting power to developing nations, and 57.9% for developed nations. The US has more than 15% of the voting rights and the EU has more than 15%.IMf's important decisions require 85% of the vote. This comes though at a time when the IMF is a less relevant institution for todays international financial institutions and international financial markets one could say outmoded to today's and tomorrow's needs. And the fairer allocation of voting rights comes a decade later than when it was needed during the Asian financial crisis and contagion effects on Brazil and Russia, when the IMF's positions did not show as good an understanding of the needs and problems facing developing countries as it could have, especially giving it a human face. Moreover the rotation of the position of the head of the IMF between financial leaders of the USA and Europe, as is true of the World Bank does not lend them to fresh thinking from countries in Asia and other parts of the world like Eastern Europe, Latin America, and the ability to bring afresh perspective from these countries. ...

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The unofficial exchange rate for the Rial fell to 33,500 rials to the dollar in informal currency exchanges. It fell 13% on Oct. 1, 2012. At the end of 2011 the exhange rate was about 13,000 to the dollar, and the rial has already lost 75% of its value as a result of economic sanctions over its nuclear program. Ahmadinejad and the Iranian government risk jeopardizing most of the social gains to improve living conditions as Iran's economy faces the full force of economic sanctions.

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Weakness and lack of economic growth in the rest of Europe is having an impact on the growth rate in Germany. In the second and third quarters of 2011 combined, economic growth in Germany was 1.6%. The economic growth for France during that period was 0.6%. For the third quarter, acccording to Eurostat, the European statistical agency, Belgium had no growth, and the Netherlands reported a GDP decline. Spain showed no growth. Germany had higher growth rates during the early period of recovery after the 2009 financial crisis, and it now appears that this may be because German companies were better able to export, having held down labor costs, and the euro was weaker than what the rate for the deutsche mark would be. This shows a slowdown across the whole of Europe replacing the earlier situation where Germany far outpaced other European countries.

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Ed Miliband, leader of the Labor party, tells British prime minister Cameron in parliament on Dec. 12, 2011: "It's not a veto when the thing you wanted to stop goes ahead without you. That's called losing.That's called being defeated. That's called letting Britain down." Miliband was asking what purpose was being served, when it was expected that the European Union leaders were unlikely to provide Britain with safeguards for its financial industry, and when Britain has actually led the way in calling for stricter capital reserve requirements than Basel III standards accepted in Europe. Olli Rehn, European commissioner for economic and monetary affairs, said Britain cannot separate its financial industry from the rest of Europe: "If this move was intended to prevent bankers and financial corporations in the City from being regulated, that is not going to happen."